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1.
从1978年9月访朝归来到12月举行党的十一届三中全会,从"北方谈话"到"‘三中全会’主题报告",邓小平不仅明确提出了改革开放的时代课题,而且多方面地阐明了为什么要实行改革开放、要在哪些方面改革开放和如何实行改革开放等重大问题,实际完成了中国改革开放决策的酝酿,为"三中全会"最终作出实行改革开放的伟大决策,做好了充分的思想理论准备。回顾我国改革开放决策的酝酿过程,重温邓小平当时关于改革开放的论述,对在新的历史起点上全面深化改革开放具有多方面的意义。 相似文献
2.
Roland Burke 《国际历史评论》2016,38(3):394-420
Recent histories of human rights have identified the 1970s as the most decisive epoch in the birth of the modern rights era. These works have tended toward a parenthetic dismissal of the period 1948–70 as years of interregnum, of marginal impact to the ‘breakthrough’ moment which followed. This article argues for a more complex periodisation, and reclaims the importance of the 1960s. Far from an undifferentiated abyss, the two decades between the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the 1968 International Human Rights Year held their own shifts, integral to the evolution of modern human rights. A crucial transition in the status of the UDHR occurred across the mid-1960s, roughly aligned with the terminal years of liberal post-colonialism. Through a comparison of two hitherto neglected events in the history of human rights, the fifteenth and twentieth anniversary commemorations of the UDHR, in December 1963 and 1968, this article traces the trajectory of that transition. These commemorations, concentrated moments of explicit reflection on the meaning of human rights, encapsulated the gulf between the early and the late 1960s. In the space of five years, any vestigial consensus on the vision enunciated in 1948 was obliterated. 相似文献
3.
Natalia Drannikova & Roald Larsen 《Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies》2013,30(1):58-72
Abstract The objectives of this article are (1) to reveal the meaning (semantics) of the word “Chude” in Norwegian and Russian cultures; (2) to analyze Russian and Norwegian legends about the Chudes in order to define the main plot-constructing elements. When writing this article the authors used a synchronous and diachronous methods of analysis of material that was written down in a period that exceeds one and a half centuries. In etymological sense the word “Chude” (tsjude or Cud) can be derivative form from old Slavic form *tjudjo (strange, foreign) that can in its turn be borrowing from a Gothic or a German word that got the meaning “a nation” (folk). With the Sami the word “tshudde”/ “shutte” means an enemy, an adversary. The image of the Chudes has been preserved in Russian and Norwegian narrative traditions. Oral stories in Norway are called sagn. In Russian folkoristic narratives about the Chudes are traditionally called “predanie”. The ethnonym “Chude” has a collective meaning in Russian and Norwegian folklore. In Norwegian culture it means plunderers of different ethnical belonging who came from the East to plunder the local population in the Northern Norway. As the undertaken research has shown, this name could have been applicable to Russian, Finns, Karelians, Kvens and peoples speaking Nordic languages (Swedes). In the Russian cultural tradition the name “Chude” was used to name different Finno-Ugric peoples living in the North-West Russia before the Russians came there and who later assimilated with the Russians. The Kola Sami called Swedes and Norwegians who came to them from the west to plunder the Chudes. The existence of a people in the same name in the old times is not excluded. The research carried out by place name scientists reveals that this people could be related to the Baltic-Finnish group of peoples. The word Chude has historical and mythological aspects. Folk legends about the Chudes have “preserved” memories about the historical past of the northern region. Additionally this ethnonym contains conceptions of the world's binary character that are typical for archaic consciousness. Folk legends about the Chudes are widespread in the European North of Russia while plots about militant and plundering Chudes are localized in traditional Sami regions of Russia and Norway. In folk legends and sagn, the Russians and the Sami belong to one's “own” world, while the Chudes are associated with the concepts of the “strangers”. This nomination acquired the meaning “a stranger”, “a robber”. 相似文献
4.
本文探讨了长沙汉墓随葬品不同"动物"形象所蕴含的不同的人文观念,借用美术考古学家的"器物观念"概念,分析不同"动物"形象背后隐含的古人精神世界。笔者将"动物"形象分为现实动物形象、神话"动物"形象和"动物"组合形象三类,分析其所依次表现出的"事死如事生"的世俗观念、以龙凤为主的神话观念和"天地相协"的理想观念。 相似文献
5.
Claudia Kedar 《国际历史评论》2013,35(6):1256-1275
AbstractSince its establishment at the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944, the World Bank (WB) has been expected to follow a self-imposed and vaguely defined principle of ‘neutrality.’ According to this principle, the decisions made by the WB and its officers were expected to be based purely on economic criteria, with no input from political considerations. By focusing on the generous support that the WB provided to the dictatorship that ruled Argentina between 1976 and 1983, especially during its formative period (1976–1978), the article examines the concrete aspects of this neutrality and the different ways in which each party involved interpreted and used it. Drawing on never previously consulted WB documents and additional primary sources, it maintains that at a time when the US, the strongest member-state in the WB, strove to make multilateral lending contingent on improvements in the human rights arena, the WB’s alleged ‘neutrality’ provided it with the means and justification to support a regime that egregiously violated those rights. Whatever the exact nature of this so-called neutrality, what is clear is that it was used to enable the WB and member states to ignore US instructions and support a right-wing regime determined to substantially liberalize Argentina’s economy. 相似文献
6.
曾磊 《中国边疆史地研究》2020,(1):107-116,215
通过对“祖家将”这一关宁军中较为重要的武将集团在关宁军中地位之演变可知,天启年间“祖家将”在关宁军中的地位较低。袁崇焕督师辽东期间,祖大寿因战功擢升为总兵,在大凌河之战后,祖大寿的地位得以稳固,随即发展个人势力。但应看到,“祖家将”在关宁军中始终没有占据绝对主导地位,明廷对关宁军控制较深。因此,“家军”、“将门”的方式,不能完全用来揭示关宁军的性质,不能将关宁军简单界定为独立于明廷的军阀武装。 相似文献
7.
《东方研究杂志》2012,60(2):517-531
Christopher Beckwith has recently devoted two publications concerning the origin of the word for “monastery” in East Asia. The proposed Aramaic origin has met with criticism from two eminent authorities, Laurent Sagart and Alexander Vovin. While the present article is not interested in the debate per se, here renamed the “Beckwith Controversy,” it is important to discuss in more detail Beckwith’s view about the Chinese word si 寺 (monastery), its origin, and its reconstruction. It is concluded that, although very imaginative in its conclusions, Beckwith’s argument is methodologically opaque and, therefore, should be definitely abandoned in favour of more plausible solutions. 相似文献
8.
在民初北大的人事变动中,朱希祖作为正牌章太严弟子先于他人入职,颇充当了排头兵的角色。其入职并未引起旧派人士的强烈反应,旧派众人其后渐次离开北大,与朱希祖并无直接关系,原因亦各自不同,但均对校长何燏时主政下北大未来的趋向怀有背离之感。虽然后来更多太炎门生进入北大,代替桐城派等旧派人士居于核心地位,但以历史的眼光加以评判,此番新旧更替实有"以旧易旧"的意味。这说明在民初数年里,新旧世界虽已有移形换位之势,但"新"、"旧"之间的关系还有些朦胧,其清晰的标准尚在确立与制定之中。 相似文献
9.
《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):13-30
From its very beginning, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had a shifting policy towards the bourgeoisie. Until the early 1940s, it maintained a relatively stable policy which successfully isolated the monied classes in China and helped it overthrow the rule of the KMT. But with the establishment of the new regime, the CCP Central Committee came under conflicting pressures: on the one hand it continued its former policy out of political expediency; on the other hand, based on traditional socialist political theory and Soviet experience, it kept a close watch on the bourgeoisie and even proposed targeting them as the chief enemy of next revolution. After the establishment of the PRC, as a result of the failing economy and the new government's lack of economic support and political experience, the CCP firmed up its policies on the bourgeoisie. However, with the bourgeoisie and capitalism still prominent elements in Chinese society, the communists became uncertain about which direction to take. As the CCP Central Committee had anticipated, officials of both the party and the government often gave way to corruption after taking over major cities. The Central Committee regarded this particular combination of money and power as a “violent attack” against the new communist regime by the bourgeoisie as a whole. In order to tighten its grip on national power, the Central Committee launched two anti‐corruption movements known as the Three‐Antis and the Five‐Antis. These movements were in fact aimed at the bourgeoisie as a whole, and succeeded in destroying the basis for capitalist business in the New China. Encouraged by this outcome, the CCP launched a policy of socialist transformation aimed at depriving Chinese capitalists of their means of production. Thus the CCP gradually and inevitably moved away from its original policy of cooperation with the national bourgeoisie. 相似文献
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11.
This article provides an explanation for North Korea-Zimbabwe bilateral relations from the late 1970s to the early 1980s, in the context of Cold War in the Third World. Supporting the military resistance of African nations, North Korea sought to gain its dominance over South Korea in the diplomatic war between the two Koreas. North Korea contributed to the liberation of Zimbabwe and helped Robert Mugabe establish his political foundations in the country. However, North Korea’s political gain from Zimbabwe was less than it expected and hence did not make any significant changes in its competition with South Korea. 相似文献
12.
ALBERTO VANOLO 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2010,101(1):26-36
Geographical metaphors such as centre‐periphery or First‐Second‐Third World are widely used to describe the world economic system. This paper discusses the role of metaphors in geographical representations and proposes some guidelines for the analysis and classification. This methodology is then applied to a sample of well known textual metaphors used to describe the world economic scenario, including ideas of a First‐Second‐Third World, North‐South, core‐periphery, Global Triad, global network, flat and fluid world. The classification is linked to the debates originating such metaphors, and it will be used in order to propose some concluding remarks on the possibility of development of new geographical metaphors. 相似文献
13.
Micha Roi 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(2):285-295
ABSTRACTMany biblical stories exhibit an intentional association between “subjective facts” deriving from the narrative and “objective facts” belonging to external historical reality. This article examines stories belonging to the “departure on a journey” pattern which contain references to objective facts which follow a virtually fixed formula and occur at a standard location in the narrative. Both the frequency with which these facts are adduced and their formulaic nature make it difficult to adopt external criteria such as those proposed by either of the two conventional models (aetiological and communication), suggesting rather an inner—literary—link between the two sets of facts. 相似文献
14.
Cindy Ewing 《Cold War History》2019,19(1):1-19
Using documentary evidence from China, France, India, Indonesia, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, the United Kingdom, and the United States, this paper develops a history of the Third World through historical inquiry into the origins and activities of the Colombo Powers. As the five host nations of the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung, the Colombo Powers worked to realise a new vision of Asia that integrated the outer reaches of the mainland on the basis of ancient geographical ties and a cosmopolitan international order. Most importantly, they sought to reclaim Asian agency in the international negotiations on the Korean and Indochina conflict and spread resistance to collective security pacts in Asia. 相似文献
15.
Gabrielle Hecht 《History & Technology》2013,29(1):1-8
Post 9/11 discourse has important origins in Cold War technopolitical hierarchies that equated \"nuclear\" with colonizing nations and \"non-nuclear\" with colonized peoples. This paper gives examples of such equations in order to illuminate the place of nuclearity in current global technopolitics. 相似文献
16.
徐日辉 《中国历史地理论丛》2005,20(4):44-48
秦襄公东进关中,在秦早期发展史上有着划时代意义。但就其东拓之路线,史书没有明确记载。笔者通过实地考察表明,秦襄公东进关中所走的路线是由甘肃张川县的秦邑,经秦家塬至陕西陇县汧邑的“秦汧道”。从秦邑到汧邑全程约113公里,其中甘肃境内约50公里,陕西境内约63公里,陇山山区约70余公里。 相似文献
17.
Li Gongzhong 《中国历史研究》2019,52(3-4):256-276
AbstractThe outbreak of the Korean March First Movement in 1919 was followed by intensive reporting and commentary in Chinese media, presenting striking images of the brutality of the Japanese colonizers, the resolve for independence among the Korean people, and the concept of national self-determination. The March First Movement provided the Chinese people with a vivid example of the transformation of the abstract concept of “universal principles” into the practice of “national self-determination,” and strengthened consciousness of “national independence” among the Chinese people. Over the ensuing two or three decades, the “March First Movement” gradually seeped into the Chinese nationalist movement and discourses on national liberation, playing the role of “the neighbor as mirror,” and continuing to provide both positive inspiration and negative reference points for the Chinese people following the path of national independence. This linkage and interaction between “weak nations” aids in understanding the modern Chinese nationalist movement, as well as the mechanisms for development of the national independence movements among colonized peoples which swept across the globe in the early 20th century. 相似文献
18.
本研究通过分析我国陶瓷类文物的传统修复技法,阐述了在明清御窑厂遗址出土瓷器保护修复项目实施过程中,针对出土器物有破损缺失、研究展示价值极高等特点,借鉴西方“可识别”的文物修复理念,创新使用了在填补层次、仿真釉色、绘画色彩三个方面,做适当降低原基调处理的“降阶法”修复方式,并以明清御窑厂遗址出土的两件明代官窑瓷器修复为例,详述了“降阶法”修复的实施过程与成果。该研究结果可为该技法在我国陶瓷类文物保护与修复工作中的推广提供示范作用。 相似文献
19.
Daniel Mourenza 《Romance Quarterly》2016,63(2):83-96
ABSTRACTUnder the pseudonym of El Roto, Andrés Rábago draws editorial cartoons for El País newspaper on an almost daily basis. Unlike other cartoonists, his political satire rarely depicts real politicians or celebrities but instead focuses on social types. This technique helps him to distance himself from current events as presented by the media and signal the more general causes of political conflicts. This article explores cartoons from recent years in which El Roto represents and interprets manifestations of the economy in everyday life. I show that his editorial cartoons aim to unmask the ideological narratives that attempt to naturalize capitalism as the only possible economic system. His “ideology critique” can thus be described as a political intervention to interrupt the creation and shaping of systems of representation that legitimize this economic and cultural hegemony. This article offers a content analysis of some of El Roto's most relevant cartoons, identifying the most recurrent themes and techniques used in order to consider his position as a cartoonist in Spanish politics. 相似文献