Nineteenth-century statecraft and the politics of moderation in the Franco-Prussian War

In the nineteenth century there was a distinct form of moderation in European statecraft. This moderation worked within the broader the framework of the European concert where the exercise of prudence and forbearance acted as the measure of state conduct in European politics. The overarching intention behind moderation was to maintain a balanced, peaceful Europe. Using the context of the Franco-Prussian War, this study attempts to highlight the place of moderation in diplomacy, as contemporaries understood it. In doing so, it provides an enriched perspective of nineteenth-century statecraft.     

British Conservative Opinion and the Problem of Germany after the First World War

This work examines British conservative attitudes towards the Weimar Republic through the lens of several specific issues from the armistice up to the Ruhr Crisis of 1923. The author argues that a curious feature of British conservative opinion following the First World War was the consistent hostility British conservatives demonstrated towards the new German democratic state. To be sure, Great Britain had just fought a long and costly war against Germany, and there had been little time for the passions generated by the war to cool. Still, from the early days of the political changes in October and November of 1918, the German government was firmly committed to democratic principles. This was a development that the British nation claimed to favour, but the war left many British conservatives ill disposed to consider that the ‘inner change’ in Germany might be genuine or that a stable German democracy was possible. During its formative years, the Weimar Republic faced enormous challenges that would have tested any nation. Yet, even as political and economic conditions within Germany undermined prospects for democracy to succeed in that country, many British conservatives declined to take these developments seriously. Indeed, the attitudes of British conservatives substantially added to the difficulties the German government faced in dealing with the problems of the post-war world.     

从中西电报通讯看天津教案与普法战争——兼谈曾国藩一封家书的日期问题

同治九年(1870)春夏之际,直隶大地干旱肆虐,西人参与迷拐、折割的传言在大江南北相继出现,至五月二十三日(6月21日),终于引起事端,人们对拐匪的愤怒情绪朝向教堂爆发,酿成天津教案.由于死者包括多国人士,法国驻天津领事丰大业亦为愤怒的津民殴杀,故而此案成为中外之间严重的外交事件.当时坐镇保定的直隶总督曾国藩力疾前往,而本在南方处理其他教案的法国驻华代理公使罗淑亚也迅速北上.     

Eduard Hitzig's experiences in the Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871): the case of Joseph Masseau

It is well known that Fritsch and Hitzig published the results of their experiments on cortical stimulation in 1870, the year in which the Franco-Prussian War (FPW) broke out. Several tall stories are found about Hitzig's role in the FPW; stories that have not been well documented. During this war, he worked at the military hospital in Nancy, where he was allowed to admit to his ward soldiers with head wounds. He made a close observation of the 20-year-old French soldier Joseph Masseau, who suffered from a right-sided cerebral abscess following a gunshot wound sustained during the Loire campaign on December 10, 1870 and was looked after in the military hospital of Nancy in January and February 1871. Hitzig related the clinical and autopsy observations to his recent experimental findings. A translation into English of part of the case report is provided.     

论古代战争对政治权力的影响——以战利品赏赐与人力资源为例

本文从三个方面分析了战争与政治权力的关系,并以战利品的赏赐和人力资源的利用为例,探讨了古代战争对政治权力的影响。作者的论点是：战争可以通过各种物质因素影响政治权力。战争需要从多方面进行投资,其结果也直接影响国家的物质基础。赏赐战利品对王权产生双重影响,既可以激励士兵,提高军人的忠诚度,也可以导致军人压力集团的形成或军心涣散,从而削弱王权。新的人力资源（战俘、奴隶和臣民）为巩固王权提供了便利条件。作者认为对殉葬的传统解释过分强调政治层面而忽略了这一现象的宗教文化因素。     

日俄战争对近代中韩关系的影响

在日俄战争期间,中国清政府与大韩帝国都曾宣布“局外中立”,却一同沦为这场帝国主义战争中直接遭受日俄军队侵略的一对“中立国家”。不仅如此,两国的双边关系也受到直接的影响,如两国边界问题及渔业利益纷争就没有得到中央政府层面的及时协商与处理,从而成为此后影响两国关系发展的悬案。在1905年9月日俄签订的《朴茨茅斯条约》中,中韩两国的领土主权更是成为日俄两个帝国主义之间分赃的牺牲品,大韩帝国沦为日本的“保护国”与中韩两国公使级外交关系的终结便是其直接的后果,从而导致了中韩两国及其双边关系在近代东亚乃至世界国际关系中的进一步边缘化。     

The Regional Impact of EU Eastern Enlargement: A View from Germany

Based on a relational concept of regional analysis this contribution emphasizes that European Union (EU) Eastern enlargement will primarily lead to a restructuring or intensification of interregional economic relations. However, it rejects the widespread view that at first the border regions at the present EU Eastern boundary would be affected by Eastern enlargement. This view relies on the problematic assumption that the regions' transnational relations are subject to a logic of geographical nearness. The most important nodes of transnational economic relations in an enlarged EU are not the border regions, but certain regional development centres in the interior of the European economic space. Thus the regional impact of EU Eastern enlargement should be differentiated with regard to different types of regions: Particular advantages come towards the structurally strong regions in the interior of the present EU as well as the accession countries, whereas the structurally weak regions at the present EU Eastern boundary can gain advantages from Eastern enlargement only to the extent that they manage to overcome their endogenous blockades concerning cross-border economic cooperation and a positive attitude of the regions' population towards European integration.     

Colonial Servicemen and their British ‘War Brides’: First World War Marriages in the British Empire

This article uses the phenomenon and failure of war marriages between British women and ‘colonial’ servicemen, mostly from the settler dominions, to explore the gendered, classed and racialised conditions of migration after the First World War. Positioning this migration of British war brides as part of the continued normalisation of settler occupation, the article demonstrates the patriarchal social expectations to which white women were subject. Fears of ‘khaki fever’ were extended to the protection of naïve ‘colonial’ soldiers from the manipulative sexuality of white, particularly working-class, women and girls. At the same time, ‘respectable’ women were prepared for frontier life and protected from the indignities of bigamy and desertion. The emphasis on their role as ‘daughters of Empire’ meant ‘undesirable’ matches and marital failure, as reported by the press, had consequences for the closeness of the imperial family and the maintenance of white superiority. The mediation of mobility in cases of mixed-race marriage indicate a more explicit, and sometimes violent, policing of the sexual independence of women and Black and indigenous men of colour. In doing so, the article makes an important contribution to understandings of the legacies of global mobilisation and colonial encounters during the First World War.     

犹太人世界对德国的战争索赔政策

犹太人世界对德国的战争索赔既是德国战后处理的一个重要组成部分,又有其本身的特殊性。由于以色列迟至1948年才建国,因此以色列和世界犹太人组织在国际法上并不具备要求战争赔偿的法律基础,但大屠杀赋予了犹太人世界获得战争赔偿的道义权利。本文通过全面考察犹太人世界对德国的战争索赔政策,揭示了犹太人世界对德国的战争索赔与大国间政治的关系。