缩小城乡收入差距与构建和谐青海调研报告

社会主义和谐社会的核心是利益的和谐。不同利益群体的和谐是和谐社会的主体。当前青海社会还存在着诸多不和谐、不稳定现象,其深层次原因实际上是一种利益的失衡。这种利益失衡突出表现在城乡收入差距的不断扩大上.社会主义和谐社会是各得其所的社会,要求解决社会公平问题。因此,有必要就现阶段青海城乡居民收入差距的现状进行分析,并提出解决的对策。     

构建和谐青海调研报告

青海总体和谐的局面是在经济发展相对滞后的情况下取得的,来之不易。但是,由于经济发展滞后、枉会利益关系没有得到及时调整以及制度和体制存在缺陷等原因,目前仍存在收入差距扩大、就业不充分、人民内部矛盾增多和社会事业发展长期滞后等问题。强须继续千方百计促进就业,及时调整利益分配机制,加强社会建设和管理,在发展中解决现存的不和谐因素,努力构建更加和谐的青海。     

统筹城乡发展构建青海和谐社会

统筹城乡发展是加快农牧区全面小康建设和构建和谐社会的科学决策,也是城乡经济社会健康有序和谐发展的前提.青海省作为一个农牧结合的省份,贫困基数大,发展不全面,城乡差别明显,如何按照科学发展观的要求,以统筹城乡协调发展的原则为指导,缩小城乡发展的差距,实现青海城市、农村、牧区的共同发展,是当前构建青海和谐社会过程中需重点研完和解决的问题.     

公平分配是构建和谐社会的重要内容

社会公平体现在社会的政治、经济和其它利益在全体社会成员之间合理而平等的分配上.这个平等即指权利平等、分配平等、机会均等.因而,追求公平正义是实现社会和谐的前提.当前,在我国收入分配领域中存在着一些突出的问题.解决这些问题,已成为促进我国经济发展、构建社会主义和谐社会的重要内容.     

浅析社会主义和谐社会的文化诋蕴及内涵

社会主义和谐社会具有深厚的中国传统文化底蕴。中国传统文化中的和谐思想,为我们今天构建社会主义和谐社会提供了丰富的思想文化资源。社会主义社会的根本和谐是社会主义社会基本矛盾的和谐。社会主义和谐社会, 应当是人与自然和谐发展的社会,应当是物质文明、精神文明、政治文明和谐发展的社会,应当是各方面利益关系不断得到有效协调的社会,应当是公正、平等的社会。     

我国贫富差距拉大的成因分析及对策

自改革开放以来,我国居民的收入普遍提高,生活有了很大改善,但与此同时,收入差距也在逐渐拉大,甚至悬殊,成为困扰我国改革和发展的一大社会难题,并直接影响着社会主义和谐社会的构建。所以,有效遏制不合理贫富差距,缩小贫富差距则是我们构建社会主义和谐社会必须解决的问题。     

试论社会主义和谐社会的重难点问题

社会主义和谐社会的本质属性就是社会和谐。社会和谐是党和国家能否合理调节社会各个阶层利益、科学整合社会各种资源、顺利维护社会稳定的最佳表现,也是一种全体人民各司其职、各得其所的一种社会和谐状态。社会主义和谐社会是对党和国家执政能力的一种考验。     

论和谐发展与和谐社会建设

社会要和谐,首先要发展。和谐发展,是发展形式的集中体现。和谐发展,是建设社会主义和谐社会的关键。和谐发展是解决前进中突出矛盾和问题的重要方法,是社会主义和谐社会方法论的核心和集中体现,是推动社会主义和谐社会的动力。和谐发展的水平决定着社会和谐的发展程度,离开了和谐发展,改革发展中的所有矛盾和问题都难以得到解决。因此,毫不动摇坚持和谐发展,这是构建社会主义和谐社会的前提和基础。     

加快发展努力构建社会主义和谐青海

构建社会主义和谐社会是党的十六届四中全会提出的一个重要举措,是我们党对执政规律的新认识和执政理念的新发展,既体现了科学发展观的本质要求,也是促进经济快速健康发展和社会各项事业稳步推进的重要保证.目前,建设和谐青海,必须以实现公平正义和社会长治久安为着力点,通过发展求和谐,通过和谐促发展,积极有序地推进和谐青海建设.     

公平分配是构建和谐社会的重要内容

社会公平体现在枉会的政治、经济和其它利益在全体社会成员之间合理而平等的分配上。这个平等即指：权利平等、分配平等、机会均等。因而,追求公平正义是实现枉会和谐的前提。当前,在我国收入分配领域中存在着一些突出的问题。解决这些问题,已成为促进我国经济发展、构建社会主义和谐社会的重要内容。     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.