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1.
管理人员的公仆型领导风格对员工工作绩效的持久影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
凌茜  汪纯孝 《旅游科学》2010,24(3):39-48
作者采用纵断调研法,在广州市3个客运站连续6个月收集员工的工作绩效数据,对管理人员的公仆型领导风格和员工的服务导向行为与员工的工作绩效之间的因果关系进行实证检验。滞后效应分析结果表明,管理人员的公仆型领导风格不仅影响员工的目前工作绩效,而且通过员工原先的工作绩效,间接影响员工目前的工作绩效。员工的服务导向行为中介管理人员的公仆型领导风格对他们的工作绩效的正向影响,并调节员工原先的工作绩效对目前的工作绩效的影响。  相似文献   

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饭店管理人员的真诚型领导风格对员工工作绩效的影响   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
作者在24家饭店进行了一次实证研究,探讨管理人员的真诚型领导风格对员工工作绩效的影响。多层次线性模型分析结果表明,部门负责人的真诚型领导风格会通过员工感知的部门负责人的公仆型领导风格,间接影响员工的工作绩效;部门的真诚型领导氛围会通过部门负责人信任员工的氛围,间接影响员工的工作绩效。  相似文献   

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After 20 years, the Australian American Leadership Dialogue has acquired enviable access to political leaders in the foreign policy establishments of both countries. The influence of the Dialogue is at earlier consensus-building stages of decision making. Its importance has been in ‘relationship maintenance’ of the bilateral alliance which it has pursued through processes of informal diplomacy. The Dialogue now faces its own challenges of organisational renewal and relevance in the wider ‘interpretative community’ of Australian think tanks, university policy institutes and opinion-formers.  相似文献   

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情商对提高领导力的价值和作用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
李朝智 《攀登》2010,29(2):43-47
领导力的本质就是影响力,这种影响力除组织权力的外在要素外,更多的是来自领导自身情商的内在要素。情商是提高领导力(影响力)的基础,它体现在领导的自我认知力和学习力、领导的情绪控制力和调节力、领导的自我激励力和适应力、领导的人际感知力和平衡力、领导的人际沟通力和协调力等五个方面。  相似文献   

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Persuasion is vital to the practice of democratic leadership, making speech and communication of fundamental importance. Yet, democratic citizens habitually suspect political rhetoric as being either deceitfully empty or dangerously subversive. Rhetoric is thus central in democracy while paradoxically appearing either useless or pernicious. A consequence of this paradox for democratic leaders is that they are forced to avoid fine oratory in favour of a rhetorical style that sounds un-rhetorical, seeming to be plain factually-informative speech. This unique democratic form of rhetoric, which we have called an artless art, seeks to instil trust and to avoid appearing to talk down to the sovereign people. It is both helped and rendered problematic by the media, the essential communicative means in modern society, whose current dominance presents ever-new challenges and opportunities to democratic leaders.  相似文献   

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More than 100 members in each of the two House party caucuses participate in the parties’ formal organizations—the extended party leadership. What purposes do these institutional components of the parties serve, and how and why have they changed over the last three decades? This article begins to answer these questions through a case study of the Republican Policy Committee based on primary documents as well as quantitative analysis. I show that the Republican leadership has used the committee for participation, coordination, and communication functions within the Conference, but that the roles of the committee have changed substantially in response to strengthening party government conditions, GOP majority status, heightened competition for control of the House, and the individual goals of key Republican leaders. Among other changes, the committee became more important for coordinating policy positions and strategy during the 1980s, but the strong, centralized majority leadership in the 1990s diminished this important coordination function and left the committee with an emphasis on partisan communication.  相似文献   

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中共中央三代领导集体与中国工业化   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
50多年来,在以毛泽东、邓小平和江泽民为核心的三代中央领导集体领导下,我国的工业化和现代化建设取得了举世瞩目的巨大成就。毛泽东在探索“中国工业化的道路”的过程中,从本国的国情出发,“以苏为鉴”,实事求是地总结经验和教训,提出了“以农业为基础,以工业为主导”的建设方针;邓小平继承和发展了毛泽东关于中国社会主义工业化的重要思想,从社会主义初级阶段的国情出发,认真总结历史的经验和教训,并借鉴世界上其他国家工业化、现代化得失成败,成功地探索出有中国特色的社会主义工业化、现代化道路;以江泽民为代表的第三代中央领导集体,全面贯彻“三个代表”重要思想,结合新的实践,与时俱进,勇于创新,进一步完善了邓小平有中国特色的社会主义工业化、现代化建设理论,走出了一条速度较快、效益较好、整体素质不断提高的新型工业化道路。  相似文献   

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1951:唯物史观派主流地位的确立   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
蒋海升 《史学月刊》2004,(12):96-102
1951年,唯物史观派对于学术机构领导权和学术期刊经营权的掌握和控制以及自身社会地位的提升,使他们成为在学术界确立新意识形态的主导地位、推动学术变革和话语转换的中坚力量;唯物史观派聚拢传统学人进行史料整理、古籍校订,为学术史留下一笔财富。1951年前后唯物史观派主流地位的确立和当时学术格局的变动直接影响了20世纪后半期学术界的走向。  相似文献   

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凌茜  汪纯孝 《旅游科学》2009,23(5):29-38
作者在13家宾馆和餐馆进行了一次实证研究,探讨饭店中、高层管理人员的公仆型领导风格对员工服务质量的影响。多层次线性模型分析结果表明,企业的公仆型领导氛围会通过部门的公仆型领导氛围,间接影响员工的服务质量;员工感知的企业负责人的公仆型领导风格会通过员工感知的部门负责人的公仆型领导风格,间接影响员工的服务质量。此外,企业的公仆型领导氛围会调节员工的工作满意感对他们的服务质量的影响,部门的公仆型领导氛围会调节员工的情感性归属感对他们的服务质量的影响。  相似文献   

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《Political Theology》2013,14(4):455-469
Abstract

Looking to the US presidential election of 2008, this paper considers models of leadership as they are rendered in the Books of I and II Kings in the Hebrew Bible. That corpus of historical memory is informed by the theo-political traditions of covenant in the book of Deuteronomy. At the beginning of the corpus, Solomon is presented as a leader committed to the pursuit of self-aggrandizement on the basis of political autonomy that need account to none. At the end of the corpus Josiah is presented as a king who practiced public power congruent with the neighborly requirements of Torah. The issue raised by this critical tradition concerns autonomy and moral accountability. There is, of course, no direct transfer of this tradition to US politics. But the testimony of the text lingers, ever critical, even until our time and place, a testimony about limit, connectedness, and consequences.  相似文献   

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Neustadt's theory of presidential leadership is conventionally viewed as based on a model of the Bargaining President, in which presidents focus on twisting arms and trading favors rather than on making public appeals. However, Neustadt's theory has a deeper logic—the logic of strategic choice, in which both effective bargaining and rhetorical appeals are techniques of presidential persuasion enabled by a President's choices. This reinterpretation of Neustadt's theory is supported by an original case study of President George H.W. Bush's leadership on the 1990 Clean Air Act. The President presented an initiative in a manner that capitalized on the public mood and he made key strategic choices aimed at persuading congressional leaders to engage with his administration in a non-zero sum game to enact a law that served their mutual policy and political interests. Rhetorical appeals were few in number. Quid pro quo bargaining played a limited role.  相似文献   

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Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and Lyndon B. Johnson presented dramatically contrasting styles of leadership in their relationships with Congress. Yet each was successful in securing passage of monumental civil rights legislation in very different political environments. Focusing on the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, we show that both Eisenhower and Johnson attracted support from the opposition party's faction at the far end of the ideological spectrum while retaining support from his own party's dominant faction. The analysis suggests that it is not the president's leadership style alone that produces legislative results, but a proper mixture of leadership style and the political environment.  相似文献   

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洪向华 《攀登》2002,21(5):1-4
“三个代表”重要思想不仅丰富和发展了马克思主义党建理论宝库,而且对执政党领导理论进行了创新。一是“三个代表”思想升华了领导就是服务这一领导本质理论;二是“三个代表”思想丰富了党的领导职能的科学内涵;三是“三个代表”思想为党的领导工作提出了一个新的价值目标;四是“三个代表”思想是党的领导工作的一个新的评价标准。  相似文献   

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高静 《攀登》2010,29(1):61-65
良好的领导形象是一笔宝贵的资源和财富,能够产生强大的影响力、凝聚力和感召力。在新的历史条件下,构建符合时代要求的现代领导形象极为重要。本文以权力运用、素质能力、品德修养、领导魅力、公众期待五个方面为切入点,着重阐释了如何构建现代领导形象的问题。并且认为,这五个方面是领导形象本质、领导形象塑造规律和领导形象特殊要求的体现。  相似文献   

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