共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
The Perpetually Wedded Wife of God: A Study of Shaykh Musa “Sadā Suhāg” as the Founder of Sadā Suhāgiyya Silsilah
下载免费PDF全文

Tanvir Anjum 《The Journal of religious history》2015,39(3):420-434
Some of the sufis have conceptualised the relationship of human beings with God in gendered terms, and identified themselves with the feminine while imagining God in masculine terms. Such a characterisation can be found in sufi poetry, but it also finds manifestation in certain sufi practices as well, such as the male sufis dressing up as women. A fifteenth‐century South Asian sufi, Shaykh Musa “Sadā Suhāg” of Gujarat — the founder of Sadā Suhāgiyya Silsilah — dressed up like a married woman or a bride. His androgynous appearance, soubriquet, and the name of the sufi silsilah he founded, indicate that he ingeniously indigenised the sufi idea of God's bride keeping in view the Indian cultural ethos and social conventions. 相似文献
4.
The publication of field work in central Oman has lagged behind the excavations themselves. Whereas the pioneer archaeologists in Oman could identify sites and finds only as “Iron Age”, the work of the past 10 years has enabled a clear conceptual distinction to be made between the Early and Late Iron Age assemblages, as well as their regional characters. Using as a point of departure the Samad Complex, for which most intact contexts exist, the less well-known Late Iron Age of the North and South of Oman is compared by means of newly recorded material from old excavations, there, as well as from a recent survey. There were contacts between central Oman and the South Province, Dhofar although such are elusive. Despite, archaeologically speaking, undeniable trade and ethnic contacts with the outside world, central Oman has a distinctive character of its own which has not been properly credited by specialists of the final Pre-Islamic Period. 相似文献
5.
6.
LACHY PATERSON 《The Journal of religious history》2008,32(2):216-233
Missionaries were among the first Europeans to interact with the New Zealand Māori, bringing an evangelical message with a strict set of “laws” for Māori to follow. Māori, whose own religious beliefs required rigid observance to ritual, took time to convert to missionary Christianity but, like many Oceanic peoples, did so with fervour, regulating their daily lives according to the Laws of the missionaries’ God. With the advent of British rule in New Zealand in 1840, the Treaty of Waitangi gave Māori the same rights as British subjects, but also (in the Māori‐language version) guaranteed tribal autonomy. As the British administration established itself, it slowly attempted to bring Māori under the authority of the Queen's Laws, using persuasion rather than force. This article, using Māori‐language newspapers of the mid‐nineteenth century, discusses how some Māori approached the question of Law in a similar way to how they had converted to Christianity. This was partly due to their own, now Christianised, worldview, but it was also due to how the colonial authorities presented the principles of Law to them. 相似文献
7.
8.
Randall White 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》2006,13(4):250-303
The discovery of female figurines at Brassempouy in the 1890's would launch more than a century of debate and interpretation
concerning Paleolithic representations of women. The figurines emerged from the ground into a colonial intellectual and socio-political
context nearly obsessed with matters of race. This early racial interpretive frame would only be replaced in the mid 20th
century, when prehistorians turned to questions such as fertility and womanhood.
The first figurines were discovered in 1892 under rather tortured circumstances in which their very ownership was the subject
of a heated dispute between Edouard Piette and Emile Cartailhac. Their toxic relationship would lead Piette, in his subsequent
excavations, to be extremely precise about issues of stratigraphic and spatial provenience. Piette's publications and archives
enabled Henri Delporte to confirm the Gravettian attribution of the figurines and have allowed the present author to create
a map of their spatial distribution within the site.
Technological and microscopic analysis of the Brassempouy figurines resolves some lingering questions about the sex of certain
of the figurines and suggests an original context of figurine fabrication and the abandonment of unsuccessful sculpting attempts.
相似文献
Randall WhiteEmail: |
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
1918年,周作人将日本女性主义者、著名诗人与谢野晶子的《贞操贵于道德》一文翻译后发表在《新青年》杂志上,开创了中国日本女性文学译介的先河.迄今,已有150余位日本女性作家的作品相继为中国读者所熟悉,成为近百年来在中国近代化进程中风格独具的精神食粮.与此同时,这项工作也理所当然地成为了中国域外文学审美取向史的有机部分. 相似文献
15.
16.
周苇风 《古籍整理研究学刊》2010,(6)
《周易·噬嗑》卦记载了中国早期商业活动和政府对市场的管理办法,六二"噬肤,灭鼻"讲的是商人因违背"禁令"而受到了割鼻的处罚。《睽》卦六五中的"厥宗噬肤"不是一件值得炫耀的光彩的事情,《象传》将"厥宗噬肤"视为"有庆"的兆头,是错解了经意。 相似文献
17.
18.
19.
20.
Behçet Kemal Çağlar's Kur’ân‐ı Kerîm'den İlhamlar (Inspirations from the Holy Qur’ān): A Kemalist's Personal,Poetic Response to the Qur’ān
下载免费PDF全文

Leyla Ozgur Alhassen 《Muslim world (Hartford, Conn.)》2017,107(3):511-536
Behçet Kemal Ça?lar, 1908–1969, is the author of a commentary of the Qur’ān, Kur’ân‐? Kerîm'den ?lhamlar (‘Inspirations from the Holy Qur’ān’), published in 1966. This work can be described as a poetic reflection on the Qur’ān. It does not adhere to rendering every line or verse, but instead insists on maintaining a rhythmic cadence and end‐rhyme. Although it resembles a translation in some ways, Ça?lar refuses to call his work a translation. This paper begins by introducing Ça?lar and his text, a brief history of Turkish translations of the Qur’ān, then Ça?lar's approach is contrasted with the aims of translators of the Qur’ān. Ça?lar's text is studied in more detail, providing a sample of the Turkish text and a translation of it into English, focusing on Ça?lar's reflection on Sūrat ?aha. Through this study, it becomes clear that as a result of his prioritizing the literary aspects of the Qur’ān in his reflection, Ça?lar's book has an advantage over literal translations of the Qur'an and it can be useful for Qur’ān translation. At the same time, Ça?lar's book is a reflection of a desire to develop a Turkish Islam—a manifestation of Islam that came from Turkey, that reflected its language and culture and that was intelligible to its people. 相似文献