论包世臣的吏治思想

首先,包世臣认为,为官要为民爱民,而要为民爱民,就必须通民情,为民兴利除弊;其次,他主张慎选官吏,把培养和选拔好的官吏特别是州牧县令视为整饬吏治的关键,因为州牧县令的为政好坏,是为民爱民,还是残民以逞,是兴利除弊,还是贪赃枉法,无不关系着封建统治秩序的稳定和人民群众的切身利益;再次,他认为官吏要精通吏事,应努力提高自己的施政能力和统治技巧,他还就此问题进行了认真探讨,提出了许多好的意见;第四,他要求清除腐败,认为清除腐败是整肃吏治、缓和当时尖锐社会矛盾的当务之急,并就如何清除腐败提出了自己的主张和建议.     

清代吏治的历史透视及启示

清代处于中国封建社会的后期,封建化程度较高。期间,虽然个别统治者重视整顿吏治,但终清一代,腐败顽疾并未得到有效解决,并表现出阶段性、集团性、广泛性、顽固性等鲜明特点,最终成为清朝衰亡的重要原因之一。     

试析明代邸报与言官政治——以李三才人阁风波为例

万历年间,内阁缺员,群臣围绕推举李三才人阁问题展开激烈争论。时在东林书院讲学的顾宪成就此事写信给朝中重臣表示支持李三才,之后信件内容通过邸报递送京城各大衙门,引起激烈反响,反对者认为顾宪成“讲学东林”、“遥执朝政”,李三才为平息纷争最终引咎自去。这次风波因为有了邸报的参与,也成为一场“舆论战”。而明代邸报之所以具有如此巨大的影响力,和当时完善的言官制度影响下较为透明的舆论环境有着密不可分的联系。     

鸦片战争前道光朝言官的禁烟论

鸦片战争爆发前,道光帝发动了一次又一次的禁烟运动,后世的治史者们,在论及这一时期的禁烟运动时,都对林则徐、黄爵滋等力主禁烟的爱国主义者无比推崇,对道光帝也有所肯定,这是完全应该的。但却很少有人对清廷言官所起的重要作用,给以应有的注意,这未免令人感到有所不足。为此,本文主要依据档案史料,略述管见,以就正于方家。     

探析明代言官道统精神与皇统的对抗

明代言官肩负着谏君劾臣的重要职能,在面对乾纲独揽的皇帝时,言官秉着"道高于君"的精神信仰,直言敢谏。然而言出祸随,遭到皇帝的打击压迫。     

论明万历中后期言官对神宗的批判

明万历中后期,以言官为首的官僚集团兴起了一股批判明神宗的风潮。其根本缘由,首先是神宗君德严重缺失,其次在于言官勇于以道事君。在深层次上,这种批判也是该时期政局危殆、皇权变异并衰落以及士风日下、部分言官沽名钓誉等社会变动综合作用的结果。尽管这种批判并未摆脱传统的“尊君—罪君”的政治评判模式,但它是明清之际启蒙思想的先导和重要的思想资源。     

慈禧太后垂帘听政初期的整饬吏治

慈禧太后在垂帘听政初期,忧虑官场腐败给清王朝统治带来的危机,对吏治进行了大力整饬,采取了鼓励大臣谏言、处置贪官污吏、严格考核官吏等系列举措,一度整肃了纲纪。慈禧太后整饬吏治的目的只是为了维持王朝统治,保住个人权力,这就导致出现名实不符的异化现象,使吏治整饬流于形式。     

《语书》对于当今吏治的借鉴意义

《语书》是睡虎地出土的一件秦代南郡守腾对当地官员的告示文书。通过对这篇文书的解读我们惊奇的发现,在当时的社会条件下居然有一整套对于不称职官员的惩罚措施与巡视检查制度,这些措施与方法对于我们今天治理贪腐更有其重要的参考价值。     

论明代中后期潮汕地区吏治败坏问题及其影响

一、明代前期潮汕地区吏治概况 （一）明代潮州府下辖区域 明代所设广东潮州府,所管辖地域十分之广,下属十县。洪武二年（1369年）,省去梅州,改为潮州府。初领县四,即海阳、潮阳、揭阳、程乡,成化以后,陆续增置六县,为饶平、惠来、大埔、平远、澄海、普宁,共为十县。足见当时潮州府所管辖的地域有多广,腹地广袤,地处粤闽交界,区域社会经济文化的发展均可海陆皆通．在明代对外海上贸易上为一处通商点。     

论光绪朝的继统之争

在慈禧的操弄下,光绪继位,但留下诸多危机变数,从而引发摇荡朝局数年的继统立嗣之争.先有广安、潘敦俨的奋起,继有吴可读尸谏,最后以群臣参政的方式得以解决.而类似吴可读这样愚忠以至不惜舍生事君者也渐成末世绝响,清流们的"烟墨烂然"不过是传统社会向近代转型时期的回光返照.     

同光年间州县官选任制度的嬗变

同治光绪年间,由于捐纳、保举的扩张,州县候选人员激增,流品混杂。与此同时,各省督抚选用州县官常常不拘文法,突破成例。在上述背景下,清廷力图从多方面进行整顿,但多不能行。这一时期州县官选任制度的变化虽然只是在旧制基础上的渐变,然而这些问题却成为清末新政时期铨选制度改革的内在动因。     

Public administration in the Australian Journal of Political Science: A review

This article reviews publications on public administration in the Australian Journal of Political Science (AJPS). A distinction needs to be drawn between public administration as a discipline and as a field of inquiry that engages specialists from several areas. The latter has been more significant in Australia in contrast to Europe and the United States. The questions discussed in the AJPS cover changes in the field and practice of public administration; the state and government; the structures of local government, public organisation and federalism; interfaces between public administration and other sectors and institutions; and issues with public sector reform and accountability. Despite the emphasis on governance in discourse and practice, the role of government continues to be central, and what emerges from experiments in new governance is that the authority of government and the significance of hierarchy (compared to markets and networks) very often remains pivotal.     

北宋文武官员恩荫制度探究

北宋时期以恩荫补官极为盛行,官员子弟入仕多不由科举,而是通过各种名目的恩荫补得正官、散阶、馆阁职、试衔或得赐出身。宋仁宗朝,面对滥行恩荫的状况,范仲淹提出了“抑侥幸”之策。但从内容看,抑侥幸之策完全是建立在照顾大官僚及其亲属利益基础上的一项改良措施,带有很大的折中性和调和性。而崇宁、政和间改订的荫补办法,在指导思想上更没有走出“荫贵”和“荫亲”的框套。北宋滥施恩荫的结果,既加重了冗官之弊,又导致官吏整体素质下降,腐败了社会政治生活。     

Outsourcing local democracy? Evidence for and implications of the commercialisation of community engagement in Australian local government

ABSTRACT

Participatory governance practices are enjoying popularity, not least in local government. This is driven by legislation that requires councils to undertake some of these processes; also by communities and practitioners – parties that derive income from participatory governance. An industry is emerging: one characterised by demand and supply, with frameworks, strategies and processes, training and conferences. This industry warrants investigation so that its impacts upon local democracy can be understood. Following a theorisation of local democracy and community engagement, the paper describes the community engagement industry, presenting evidence about council activities, providers and professional associations to establish that the commercialisation of engagement is a significant phenomenon in Australian local government. Possible risks to local governance and local democracy are explored.     

Evidence on economies of scale in local public service provision: A meta-analysis

The standard theory of optimal jurisdictional size hinges on the existence of economies of scale in the provision of local public goods and services. However, despite its relevance for forced local amalgamation programs and related policies, the empirical evidence on the existence of such economies of scale remains elusive. The main goal of this paper is to produce an updated and comprehensive quantitative review of the existence of economies of scale in the provision of local public goods using a meta-analysis approach to systematize the wide range of empirical approaches and modeling frameworks found in the previous literature. Our analysis confirms the presence of moderately increasing to constant returns to scale in the provision of local services with no reduction in the average costs of production in the delivery of most local public services beyond a certain, modest jurisdictional size, which many studies have estimated at 10,000 residents. Also, the potential for economies of scale differs at least across three traditional services: education, water and sanitation, and garbage collection, being highest for education and lowest for garbage collection. Our analysis also offers guidelines for future empirical research in this area. Physical output and production cost data should be used, together with translog specifications for the modeling of cost functions. Last, we find evidence that the determinants of output cost elasticity include bidirectional publication bias and population density but do not include the presence or absence of modern “lean” production technologies or the (perceived) capital intensity of the sector, contrary to conventional wisdom. These findings have significant policy implications for countries considering jurisdictional consolidation programs.     

A queen without a sceptre: public opinion and the political-constitutional debate in Italy in the first fifty years of national unification

Italy's intellectual debate over the concept of ‘public opinion’ in the first fifty years after unification can be better understood if one starts from an analysis of the constitutional framework. The definition of the rights and duties of rulers and ruled was the most pressing concern for the liberal ruling class. It should be noted that a strong paternalistic element was always present in the Italian intellectual debate. This paternalistic approach emerges clearly in the official Catholic culture. The main difference between Catholic intellectuals and liberals was over the ‘public sphere’. Liberalism mistrusted the masses because they were prone to insubordination and easily manipulated by demagogy, but it also believed the masses could elevate themselves. The ruling class's culture was essentially a synthesis between ‘moderatismo’ and that section of Catholicism that was less closed to modernity. Public opinion was considered by many as ‘queen of the world’, but according to the Albertine constitutional statute, the king was more politically influent.     

[万历]《杭州府志》人物记述之特点

人物是方志记述的重要内容,明代对方志编纂极为重视,对入志人物不仅有明确的原则要求,而且在有关修志的规定中更为具体详细,[万历]《杭州府志》在这方面具有典型性意义。本文通过对[万历]《杭州府志》人物记述的剖析,从体例、方法和文献价值几个方面,探讨了明代方志关于人物记述的特点。     

明弘治十二年礼部会试舞弊案

弘治十二年(1499)春,唐寅以南京乡试第一名的成绩参加在京城举行的礼部会试。是次考试后来由于主考官程敏政和考生唐寅、徐经涉嫌鬻题舞弊而成为明代历史上一次受人关注的会试。唐寅也因为这场舞弊案而被废为吏,由此直接影响了唐寅后来的人生道路,特别是他的艺术创作。关于这场舞弊案,历来模糊难辨。本文试图从一些新的角度,如该试另一主考官李东阳与徐经家族的关系、《明孝宗实录》纂修以及关于此事的评价、对舞弊案所涉官员傅瀚、华昶以及唐寅友人都穆的考察等,来重新审视这一事件,这对研究中国绘画史上“明四家”之一的唐寅的个人思想无疑是个关键。     

论抗战时期华北沦陷区的“村政建设”

1941年太平洋战争爆发前后,日本在国际上更加孤立。在物资贫乏、战争迁延日久、军需储存消耗殆尽、兵源枯竭及劳动力缺乏的情形下,日军对华北的依赖性日益加大。在华北,丰富的资源和广大的人力散布在农村,而农村又掌握在中国抗日革命的势力手里,华北日军只控制着寥若晨星的点和线。华北日伪通过"村政建设"向敌后抗日军民展开农村争夺战。"村政建设"主要源于中国历史上统治者控制乡村的统治术,也仿效了日本和伪满洲国的"街村制",体现了日伪利用中国旧有制度,实行法西斯统治的狡诈性。其目的在于根绝共产党及八路军抗日活动的民众基础。随着日军无条件投降,华北日伪的"村政建设"彻底破产。     

论晚明东林党的舆论活动及其影响

晚明是中国古代舆论最活跃的时期,其中又以东林党的舆论力量最为显著。从万历初年到天启末年,东林党人的舆论活动经历了三个阶段。东林党围绕官员诠选、官员考察、对阁臣的批判、以学术促清议等方面开展了一系列舆论活动,其主张在邸报发抄、印刷刻传和书信交流等方式的扩散之下,迅速流通于士林。东林党以舆论为载体,形成了与朝廷对峙和对话的政治力量。东林党的舆论活动加剧了明政府的党争态势,加速了官僚系统的分裂,不利于政治局面的稳定。但东林党的舆论主导了当时的社会思潮,对社会风气尤其是士大夫的气节产生了一种鼓舞作用。