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1.
陈依范,又名JACKCHEN,1908年,他出生在西印度群岛特里尼达的西班牙港市。父亲陈友仁(EUGENECHEN)是中国现代史上赫赫有名的人物,曾经做过孙中山革命政府的外交部长。他的母亲阿加莎,是个黑白混血儿。因此,在外表上,陈依范完全是个外国人,他的母语是英文,而且从来就没有把中国话学好过。他曾经是英国籍,后来又加入过美国籍。但是,他有一颗中国心。早在20年代大革命时期,他在武汉为英文版的《人民论坛报》工作时,就经常以漫画尖锐地揭露背叛孙中山政策的政客与军阀。抗日战争开始以后,他组织过世界范围的绘画展览,在…  相似文献   

2.
美国若干原来鲜为人知的华人家族的历史近年开始逐渐为人所知 ,这种状况极大地丰富了美国华侨华人的研究 ,对于全面认知华侨华人而言不失为巨大的裨助。《金山之旅——一个美国华人家族的百年史诗》即属其中之一。传主施氏 (See)家族由于其混血儿后裔 L isa See对其历史传统的发掘追踪而显现在公众之前。 L isa See的祖父 Fong See最初在加利福尼亚州的沙加缅度创业 ,接着将事业扩张至洛杉矶 ,并娶一个白人女性为妻 ,肇始了一个混血种华人家族的历史 ,是早期美国华侨华人的创业者之一。此后 ,Fong See回到中国 ,在故国延续了另一个大家…  相似文献   

3.
南部蓄奴州脱离联邦运动是美国内战前夕的重要历史事件。在南部蓄奴州脱离联邦的过程中,白人奴隶主是决定性的社会力量。非奴隶主白人在脱离联邦问题上则表现出地区性差异:在奴隶制不发达地区,非奴隶主白人的多数反对脱离联邦;在奴隶制发达地区,非奴隶主白人的多数则接受了脱离联邦的选择。造成这种地区性差异的原因,在于非奴隶主白人民众并不作为一个自为的阶级而行动,因此,在奴隶制发达地区,他们在政治上只能顺从奴隶主的领导,而在奴隶制不发达地区,他们就可以完全根据自己的意愿行事。  相似文献   

4.
黑人自从来到美国后一直备受歧视,被视为低人一等的种族,并被排斥在美国主流社会生活之外。而在美国文化史上,黑人传统文化也一向被看作微不足道、比白人文化低一等的支流。然而,20世纪初,美国白人知识界曾出现过一阵“黑人文化热”,长期遭到鄙视的黑人传统文化第一次成为美国白人热衷的对象。还有不少白人知识分子开始严肃地看待黑人艺术,  相似文献   

5.
孙群郎 《历史研究》2012,(6):97-112,192,193
20世纪初以来,低度郊区化和高度隔离化是美国黑人人口分布的主要特征,这与以白人族裔为主的郊区化模式迥然有别。学术界对美国黑人在大都市区中空间分布独特性的认识,大多立足于当代城市社会生活的一般特性,种族区隔反而被视为空间分化的次要因素。对美国郊区空间分化过程中黑白族裔互动的考察,尤其是1970年代前后美国郊区空间与住宅市场分割与空间反歧视运动的开展,可发现黑白人口分布反差与种族隔离有直接关联,并形成与政治、经济、社会分层交替结合的外在表征,从早期的政治经济因素到后期的社会经济因素,区隔变得越来越隐蔽,黑人人口空间分布模式有结构化趋势。  相似文献   

6.
鲁迪秋 《世界历史》2020,(1):59-73,I0004
19世纪初期,受国内外局势的推动,女性慈善社团在美国大量涌现。成立于1811年的波士顿科班社就是这股浪潮的产物。以科班社为代表的女性慈善社团在美国白人女性公民身份的初步建构中起到了重要作用。女性慈善社团的日常运作为白人女性提供了扮演美国公民的机会与训练。在起草与签署社团章程、向立法机构请愿并以法人身份行使法律和经济权利、通过选举和表决来解决社团事务的过程中,白人女性确立起公民意识。此外,女性慈善社团开展的活动进一步为女性成员提供了以公民身份行动的平台。通过参与慈善活动,美国白人女性能够把经济优势转化为公共影响力,关注家庭以外的公共事务,进入公共领域。公民意识的确立与公民身份的践行,为日后美国白人女性追求完整公民身份奠定了基础。  相似文献   

7.
刊中人     
"白人美国"的终结?奥巴马的当选是美国一个大趋势的明证:"白人美国"即将终结。在1920年代,正宗的"盎格鲁-萨克森"美国人甚至对东欧移民的到来都表现出歇斯底里的不容忍。在1940年代以前,  相似文献   

8.
1898年美西战争至20世纪20年代,随着对菲律宾等热带殖民地的占领,美国社会掀起了对热带环境的讨论热潮。在这个过程中,赞美、忧虑和恐惧、控制和征服三种话语符号同时并存。最终,主张白人应尽快适应并征服热带的乐观派因迎合此时美国对外扩张的需要而占据上风,"驯服"热带环境的权力话语在商界和政界居于主导地位。不可否认,美国在热带地区的医疗卫生改革改善了当地的卫生环境,将热带从"白人的坟墓"转变为"可驯化的天堂",客观上为土著带来了福利,也为热带国家奠定了发展现代医疗卫生事业的基础。但必须承认的是,这项事业的初衷是维持美国白人在热带地区生存和防止白人"退化",所以它自始至终都带有美国殖民主义和种族主义的烙印。  相似文献   

9.
从地理学观点来看中西文化之差异(摘要)   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
华人移民美国已有百余年的历史。初期移民多属劳工阶级,为了逃避中国内地的饥荒,漂洋过海来到美国。在人地生疏、言语不通的情况下,或开矿淘金,或种田修路,都能含辛茹苦,傲白人及其他族裔所不能做或不肯做的工作。对美国的开发作了不可磨灭的贡献。他们的刻苦耐劳,勤俭自持也曾为白人所称道。然而由于肤色习尚之不同,每当经济萧条许多白人在失业的压迫下,华人便成为他们压迫及歧视的对象。  相似文献   

10.
正"中国玛丽",是19世纪末20世纪初美国社会对美国西部的华人女性的一种惯称。早期赴美华人女性大都来自珠江三角洲地区,她们似乎偏好给自己取玛丽这个洋名。早期华人女性在美国西部矿镇极为少见,偶尔出现一位,她那独特的衣着、发型及神态气质,难免会引起所在地白人或其他族裔人士的注意,为了和名叫玛丽的白人女子区分开来,  相似文献   

11.
In 1912, Daniel Alexander Payne Murray published a prospectus for his “Historical and Biographical Encyclopedia of the Colored Race throughout the World.” He promised to publish what literary historian Henry Louis Gates Jr., would describe as the “Grail” for black scholars. As Murray planned his encyclopedia in the first decade of the twentieth century, persons of African descent in the United States were killed and assaulted because of their race, and racial identification was as critical an issue as it was also ambiguous. Moreover, despite its ambiguity, or perhaps, because of it, race, in 1912 and since the Naturalization Act of 1790, had everything to do with American citizenship. In Murray’s time, whether a person was identified on the one hand as “white” or “octoroon” versus an identity as “black,” “Negro,” “mulatto,” or “quadroon” influenced whether or not that person could exercise his rights as an American citizen (with her rights barely entering the question). However, race, as Murray understood with its skin color codes shading the meaning of American citizenship, was much more a social construction than it was biological evidence of a person’s hereditary origins. Formulating a strategy in support of black American citizenship, Murray developed a global interpretation of the black American experience from a pragmatically ambiguous cultural practice to compose an identity for himself, his people, and his proposed encyclopedia.  相似文献   

12.
This article studies the role of white, black and mulatto women during the last two years of the Haitian War of Independence, also known as the Haitian Revolution (1802–04). It might be expected that women's contribution was limited in wartime, but this article concludes otherwise. Desirable women were sought as prizes symbolic of a man's status in colonial society, or actively used their appeal to obtain political favours. Women of colour contributed to the rebellion in the fields of logistics, espionage and even combat. They also experienced martyrdom when convicted of aiding the rebel army. White women, in turn, were considered such an integral part of the colonial order that the rebels, led by Toussaint Louverture and Jean‐Jacques Dessalines, targeted them, as well as other civilians, during the fighting, then proceeded to exterminate all surviving whites after the rebel victory.  相似文献   

13.
Prehispanic corporate social units in northern Peru, the pachacas or ayllus and the guarangas, continued to structure social life in Cajamarca throughout the Spanish colonial period. They were restructured by Spanish rule, as they had been by the Inca conquest before. Spanish rule also reshaped indigenous migration and the social categorization of the migrants, which was closely intertwined with the regime of land tenure. This article takes a look at the integration of new and old migrants and their descendants into the local social structure and examines how they negotiated their belonging in petitions to change or defend their fuero. The petitioners successfully argued on the basis of their ancestry, whether legitimate or not, and activated personal networks on their behalf. In that, they paralleled mestizo and mulatto petitioners who, like migrants, benefited from fiscal prerogatives, which were however challenged during the course of the 18th century, leading to a partial re-categorization. The redistribution of land was an important motive in these late colonial re-categorizations, but also earlier in the colonial period the absence of bonds to the land was an essential characteristic of being categorized as a ‘migrant.’  相似文献   

14.
Rachael Pringle Polgreen, a freed‘mulatto’ woman who owned an infamous brothel/hotel in Bridgetown, Barbados during the 1770s and 1780s became known to her contemporaries through her role in the (sexual) entertainment of transient naval officers and the visits of Prince William of England. Piecing together ‘evidence’ from her will, estate inventory, a nineteenth‐century novel, a lithograph and an interview with a British officer, I engage Polgreen's complicated and fragmented archive, revealing how Polgreen represents an example of the problems with sources depicting women of African descent who lived in a slave society and the silences that inundate their archive. The first part of this article critically re‐examines pieces of her archive, through which an image of Polgreen emerges incommensurable with narratives of her triumphs. Next, through an analysis of the processes by which Polgreen is historically confined by powerful archival and subsequent historical representations, I challenge previous assumptions about her life. Finally, introducing material from the British parliamentary debates in which an incident involving Polgreen is described and new material from Barbados deeds left by Polgreen's former slave, I expose the nuances of Polgreen's ‘agency’ in a slave society – that which depended upon her sexual subjugation of other women of African descent.  相似文献   

15.
"9·11"事件对美国华人而言,它是一次灾难,更是一次机会.华人社会在事件中的表现,让美国主流社会重新认识了华人社会.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract. This article examines the role of warfare in the development of American nationalism, focusing in particular on the American Civil War (1861–5). The American response to warfare, and especially to the two major conflicts that created and consolidated the American nation -the Revolution and the Civil War - is revealing in terms of how Americans went about the process of defining themselves as a nation. Evidence is offered here of how nineteenthcentury Americans used the American Revolution for both national and sectional definition; and how it in turn came to be supplanted by the Civil War as the positive act of American national construction. This article argues that the American response to the Civil War provides an opportunity for scholars to trace the development of the myths that are central to the construction of nationalism but that have, to date, only been examined in any depth in a European context. Specifically, it addresses the question of how and why a destructive, internecine Civil War is still regarded today as the ‘salvation drama’ of the American nation.  相似文献   

17.
美国长老会是美国基督教在华传教的三大差会之一,江苏是长老会尤其是南长老会传教的主要区域,其传教活动对江苏近现代社会生活和文化生活都产生过重大影响。从检索史料入手,首次对长老会在江苏100多年的传教活动进行了梳理。  相似文献   

18.
白雪峰 《史学月刊》2001,(3):96-102
美国法是英国普通法的美国化,它的形成始于殖民地时期,完成于19世纪70年代。其间,美国法从最初对英国普通法的排斥逐步转为对其加以吸收和改造,并最终形成了适应美国社会发展的法律形式和观念。因此,从总体上讲,美国法并未游离出普通法的框架之外,而是保留了普通法的精髓,成为普通法系的重要组成部分。  相似文献   

19.
张晓莉 《史学集刊》2006,1(6):87-93
美墨战争发生在19世纪美国大陆扩张进入高潮时期,是美国以武力进行领土扩张的开始,在美国国会内部引发了一场有关美国国家目标的外交大辩论。辩论从得:克萨斯兼并开始,涉及宣战、拨款、领土兼并以及奴隶制的扩展等诸多问题,但其核心主题在于扩张性的外交政策与美国的自由事业是否相容,美国的国家目标是追求领土的扩大,还是自由的延续,从而体现了当时美国人对权力与自由两者之间关系的思考。  相似文献   

20.
Toronto is conventionally considered quite unlike “American cities.” This article does not fundamentally challenge this convention, but does suggest that differences between Toronto and American cities may be overdrawn and that Toronto may have more American elements than is generally recognized. The evidence presented in this study comes from three episodes in Toronto’s postwar planning history: creation of an ambitious postwar master plan in 1943–44, formation of metropolitan government and planning in the mid-1950s, and the design and construction of the iconic suburban neighborhood of Don Mills also in the 1950s. All three show strong American planning connections. The article then offers some reasons why these American planning ideas did not produce an “American city,” and concludes by challenging the view that it is due to Canada having a fundamentally different urban culture.  相似文献   

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