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1.
Recently Turkey has experimented with reforming its highly centralized cultural heritage sector by outsourcing commercial activities at museums and archeological sites. We examine three outsourcing contracts executed in 2009–2010 and their implications for understanding New Public Management in Turkey’s cultural sector. The initial project at the Istanbul Archaeological Museum was soon superseded by a ‘monopoly’ model that outsourced gift shop and ticket collection services at over 50 museums and sites to single companies. All three projects have significantly increased visitor numbers and revenues for the revolving fund that controls commercial operations within the Ministry of Culture and Tourism. Yet unlike countries such as Italy, where outsourcing has led to decentralization, increased private sector involvement in Turkey has increased the control of the central government. This ‘centralized decentralization’ is a distinctly Turkish approach that allows for modernization without disturbing a highly centralized administrative tradition. 相似文献
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Devolution and Parliamentary Representation: The Case of the Scotland and Wales Bill, 1976–7
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Adam Evans 《Parliamentary History》2018,37(2):274-292
For as long as devolution has been debated in the UK, there has been fierce discussion as to the representation of the would‐be affected areas at Westminster. That this has been the case is a consequence of Westminster's dual remit as both a state‐wide and a sub‐state legislature. While this dual remit was relatively straightforward when applied to all nations of the UK, it does, however, raise serious questions about the equality of MPs at Westminster in the face of asymmetric devolution that would carve out parliament's remit in some, but not all, parts of the UK. These questions bedevilled Gladstone's Irish Home Rule Bills in the late 19th century and have been a recurrent feature of debate following New Labour's devolution programme in the late 1990s, culminating in the adoption of a system of ‘English Votes for English Laws’ by the house of commons in October 2015. This article looks at this issue through the lens of the ill‐fated Scotland and Wales Bill introduced by the Callaghan government in 1976. It explores the roots of the bill and how, and why, the idea of referring the question of territorial representation, post‐devolution, to a Speaker's conference, came to secure the initial support of cabinet as the best answer to this problem, and why the government swiftly changed its mind. Parliamentary statecraft considerations served to push a Speaker's conference onto the institutional agenda, before ultimately dooming it to failure. 相似文献
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Suzan Ilcan Marcia Oliver Daniel O'connor 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2007,14(1):75-92
While the literature on economic restructuring tends to understand neoliberalism as a uniform governance ideology or economic-political reality, we suggest that it is more useful to understand neoliberalism as a loosely knit assemblage of programmatic efforts that consist of various political rationalities and practices of rule that aim to manage social conduct. The paper focuses on the various ways that these efforts are connected to complex state rescaling processes in Canada. Specifically, the first part of the paper examines the restructuring of nation-state responsibilities in social service and security provisions. It illustrates the shift toward a new citizenship regime that renders women as active agents who are responsible for solving problems in an individualized manner. The second part of the paper exemplifies how neoliberal programmatic efforts create new spaces of governance, particularly those of flexibility through non-standard work. The massive rescaling of the public sector, the decreasing demand for women's ‘traditional’ occupations, and the increasing prevalence of women in non-standard work arrangements constitute women as political-economic subjects in new ways. We analyze these processes using data drawn from in-depth interviews with personnel in the Canadian Federal Public Service. We outline some of the implications these initiatives have had on public service programmes and various public sector groups. Additionally, we provide a selection of individual accounts of public sector restructuring and gendered work by professionals and contract workers employed in the public service, and offer empirical illustrations of the contentions surrounding neoliberal restructuring initiatives. 相似文献
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The peripheral location of Northern Ireland as an Objective 1 region in the EU and consequences in terms of competitiveness and economic disadvantage are discussed. The need for high levels of public expenditure to at least partly offset these effects is argued; this is particularly apparent in the mechanisms which have been adopted to promote urban regeneration. The dominance of central government in the planning and development process is highlighted together with recent policy initiatives that place increasing emphasis upon partnerships as a delivery mechanism. The paper examines various forms of partnership arrangements highlighting how structures and actors differ depending upon local circumstances and objectives. 相似文献
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John B. Dunlop 《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(4):204-215
A prominent American Sovietologist examines a range of issues surrounding the involuntary migration of Russian populations from the non-Russian republics of the former USSR. Among the questions addressed are possible magnitudes of in-migration into Russia (with special attention paid to conditions in one of the major source regions, Central Asia), attitudes in Russia regarding appropriate policy with respect to treatment of co-nationals in the near abroad and whether their return to Russia would have a positive or negative impact, and conditions in areas of Russia that presently are absorbing the greatest numbers of migrants. The assertion that Russian policy should seek aggressively to prevent the out-migration of Russian populations in the near abroad is assessed critically. 1 table, 1 figure, 10 references. 相似文献
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CHRISTOPHER G. A. BRYANT 《Nations & Nationalism》2008,14(4):664-683
ABSTRACT. Following devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, does England need a stronger political voice and/or constitutional changes to safeguard its identity and interests? (the ‘English question’). Polling and other evidence suggests that it does, albeit more to redress inequities associated with voting in parliament (the ‘West Lothian question’) and the distribution of public spending (the ‘Barnett formula’) than to safeguard its identity. Although campaigners for English devolution have had little impact, and alternative institutional responses to the English question are all problematic, it would be imprudent of the major parties to do nothing. The least difficult course would be adoption of English votes on English matters and reform or replacement of the Barnett formula. 相似文献
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Liz Bondi 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2009,16(2):163-179
People living in small rural communities tend to interact with each other in multiple aspects of their lives and are generally less anonymous to one another than those living in urban places. This density of social connectedness tends to militate against the boundaries normally associated with professionalised forms of care. This article explores how these tensions are negotiated by people who have developed local counselling services in two rural areas in Scotland. Counselling is becoming increasingly widely used as a response to a variety of forms of distress and is argued to constitute a modern urban and feminised form of care. However, notwithstanding its urban origins and associations, people in some rural places in Scotland have successfully arranged for training to be delivered locally to men as well as women. Nevertheless they recognise that for many rural residents, counselling continues to be alien and viewed with suspicion. They describe how they protect the identities of service-users using locational and social network strategies. They also discuss the issues that flow from the challenges of providing well-boundaried relationships. In so doing they point to an inverse relationship between social proximity and trust, thereby supplementing existing accounts of the disadvantages of social proximity in rural places. 相似文献
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The creation of devolved administrations in Scotland and Wales, coupled with the proposals for the English regions are creating new operational environments for local government in different parts of the UK. This paper reviews both the key factors affecting these new environments and their relationship with local government. The paper assesses the factors influencing the context for change, and considers these comparatively within England, Scotland and Wales. Attention is focused on emerging forms and practices of spatial planning within the devolved countries at the local level, caused by sub-national, local and community institutional change. Spatial planning is utilized as an example of the changing nature of central–local government relationships within the UK. The article concludes that there is evidence of convergent and divergent trends occurring at different speeds within the three countries and that the new local government relationships in Scotland and Wales may be more defined as a direct consequence of devolution. In England, by contrast, the new relationships between local government and central government appear more complex, not least as a result of the emerging picture of governance being brought about by regionalization. This leaves the future structure and powers of spatial planning within English local government more uncertain at the present time. 相似文献
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In 2003, three proposals were being mediated through the planning system in the peri‐urban environment of St Andrews, Fife: a large housing development, a rail link, and a Green Belt. Using questionnaires and semi‐structured interviews with key stakeholders, we investigate the ways in which diverse conceptions of ‘the environment’ shaped public reactions to these proposals, and evaluate the fit between these and the respondents’ stated environmental perceptions. 98% of local residents surveyed describe themselves as ‘concerned about the environment’. However, large majorities conceive of the environment as a local rather than a global phenomenon, and regard it primarily in terms of personal benefits (such as landscape aesthetics or traffic considerations). By exploring the environmental perceptions in the light of the planning proposals, the study supports the contention that the ‘local environment’ is a socially constructed phenomenon which can be fashioned and re‐fashioned according to local perceptions of threats and opportunities. 相似文献
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SUSAN CONDOR 《Nations & Nationalism》2010,16(3):525-543
ABSTRACT. In this article I consider why the expected English backlash to the asymmetric UK devolution settlement has not yet materialised. Using a corpus of conversational interviews, I discuss the various ways in which people in England currently understand the relationship between national identity and political entitlement. I conclude that English political quiescence, far from constituting an enigma, is comprehensible in the light of the fact that members of the general public do not usually base their assessments of political legitimacy on calculations of English national self‐interest defined in contrast to Scotland. Rather, political issues tend to be judged with reference to principles of equity and procedural justice. English identity is rarely considered legitimate grounds for political voice. Rather, people are inclined to demonstrate a concern to balance the recognition of Scottish rights to national self‐determination, with a display of public reason, civility and civic responsibility understood to be normatively incumbent upon the English majority. 相似文献
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Michael Keating 《Nations & Nationalism》1997,3(4):689-717
Abstract. The reconfiguration of political space is bringing about new forms of territorial politics. The meanings of nationalism and the state are being transformed and new types of autonomist movement are emerging. These are often seen as a resurgence of ethnicity, or as attempts to recreate mini nation-states fragmented from the existing ones. Mainstream political science tends to regard them negatively. It is argued that the resurgence of minority nationalism is also a response to the needs for collective action in a world of weakened nation-states. New forms of collective identity and action are emerging which recognise the limitations of traditional sovereignty and the necessary interdependence of the contemporary world. There is much that is new here, but also much that has always been present but has been lost in the state-centred perspective of political science. The argument is illustrated by an examination of three of the most electorally successful nationalist movements in the Western world, in Quebec, Catalonia and Scotland. These are seen not as classic nationalist movements but as nation-building projects which recognise the limitations of the nation-state formula and are engaged in ‘stateless nation-building’. This project is difficult to translate into constitutional terms or to reconcile with the model of the state prevailing in the respective majority communities. 相似文献
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A. Fiona D. Mackenzie John MacAskill Gillian Munro Erika Seki 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(3):159-180
This paper draws on research in four communities in the Highlands and Islands, Scotland, to explore how the notion of community and community identity are re‐worked in the political spaces created as communities claim collective rights to land. In the cases of the Assynt Crofters’ Trust, the Bhaltos Community Trust, and Laid, this has concerned land under crofting tenure; in the case of the claim of the North Sutherland Community Forestry Trust, the land on which the Naver Forests stand is the responsibility of the Scottish Ministers and is managed by Forest Enterprise. The four case studies differ with respect to membership and institutional practices and thus provide fertile ground on which to examine, comparatively, collective struggles for the land and the search for sustainable futures. 相似文献
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Rogier Van Reekum 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(4):583-602
In recent decades, Dutchness has become an intensely debated issue in Dutch public sphere. The article problematises the labelling of nations and nationalisms that occurs in public and academic understandings of these developments. Craig Calhoun's concept of discursive formation is argued to be more fruitful for understanding the recent contestations over Dutchness. Yet Calhoun's theory is itself in need of elaboration. Whereas Calhoun proposes to focus on the extent to which nations are constructed as publics of highly differentiated members, it is precisely this image that is central to an exclusionary discourse of Dutchness and enables the exclusion of cultural others from the Dutch imaginary. By analysing the enactment of Dutchness through discourses on citizenship, the surprising congruence of pluralism and exclusion in the Dutch context is explored. 相似文献
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《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(6):394-397
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Fyle CM 《Africa : journal of the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures》1987,57(4):498-509
243 blacksmiths in Sierra Leone were interviewed in 1984-85 in an effort to focus on both the activities and attitudes of traditional blacksmiths in the country's economy. Due to the fact of an shortage of foreign exchange with which to import and maintain equipment, agriculture using high-technology equipment accounts for less than 15% of total production. Consequently, blacksmiths are vital to the nations' survival, despite prevailing attitudes toward them. The interviews were conducted in 9 of the 12 districts in Sierra Leone. The blacksmith operates not simply in terms of producing and servicing goods; cultural values frame his position in the community. In all of West Africa, and particularly among Mende-related peoples, there historically exists a mystique surrounding a blacksmith. In some societies, blacksmiths were believed to be witches. The arguments that most likely could account for this would probably lie in the fact that the blacksmith made farm tools and weapons of war, means of survival in the community. Thus, his position was vital. Traditionally the importance of the smith's profession lies in the fact that some of the implements he fabricates and the materials he uses are believed to provide elements of social control or to have healing powers. An appreciation of the cultural significance of the blacksmith demonstrates the degree of attachment of the population to this profession as well as the context within which one could relate to possible technological changes in the trade. An attempt was made in the interview to gather some information about levels of production. The figures represent averages, and production capacity varied owing to a number of factors, including the degree of organization of the unit, the capacity of the head of the forge to keep his team busy when work was intensive, and the degree of energy and determination of an operator to get the greatest amount of work done in 1 day. The most obvious factor influencing production levels was the size of the units. Pricing of commodities and the blacksmith's services depended on a combination of factors, but, generally, in semi-urban areas, where more impersonal relationships tended to obtain, prices appeared relatively more fixed than in rural areas. All smiths interviewed complained about the increasing scarcity of scrap iron. As there is every reason to envisage a continued dependence on informal-sector production by blacksmiths, official attitudes need to take these trades more seriously. 相似文献