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华中抗日根据地十分注重对退伍、伤残军人和抗属的优抚工作:制定优抚法律、政策,设立社会保障机构,开展优抚政策的宣传教育,组织拜年和节日慰问活动,帮助抗属解决生产生活问题,减轻各种税费,抚恤烈士,安置伤残、退伍军人。优抚经费既包括政府拨款,也包括民间筹集。华中抗日根据地优抚工作的特点是:物质与精神保障相结合;适度保障,维持基本生活;对国民党军队一视同仁;把保障与鼓励自力更生相结合。优抚工作对于动员民众参军参战,密切党政军民关系,配合统一战线的开展等方面都具有重要的意义。  相似文献   

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《Medieval archaeology》2013,57(1):157-181
Abstract

In about AD 1140, the island of Gotland initiated what was to become one of the most influential coinages of the medieval Baltic Sea area. This was part of a strategy to meet the impact and pressure from the world outside in a period characterised by large-scale political and ideological changes. In this situation, old and new networks were important to maintain autonomy from those aiming for dominance over the island. The coins, with an independent weight standard and an iconography inspired by NW German and Frisian coins, were one way of attracting partners to the island's main harbour, where its inhabitants could maintain control and trading peace. Coins incorporate in them the dimensions of object, text and picture. A historical archaeology of coins needs not only focus on large-scale perspectives and formal power, but must also give weight to the archaeological context, the life biography of the coins and the social negotiations behind their production and use. Thus intention and reality, symbolism and social practice may be studied to find openings to the stories behind the objects. The different dimensions of the coins together with historical sources give away plenty of information on several levels: about the networks, ideological framework, artisanship and changing loyalties of this time and area.  相似文献   

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20世纪之于中国,其最重大的历史事件,莫过于马克思主义在这块960万平方公里土地上,在这占世界1/4的人口中获得了统治的地位。这也决定了历史学家之于20世纪中国史,必然要把“马克思主义与近代中国”作为一个永恒的研究课题。本文侧重从思想史的角度,探讨中国是怎样踏上马克思主义之路的。  相似文献   

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It is late afternoon, and two figures are seen walking slowly along a path that leads through laurel, olives, and vines towards white Colonus, earth's loveliest, where the nightingales liquid notes most haunt the darkness of green glades. They are deep in conversation, yet move with steady, purposeful strides towards an inn that cools its crisp Demesticha in the flowing waters of a spring.  相似文献   

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丝绸之路自开通以来就是中国人民和中亚、西亚、东南亚以及欧洲、非洲、美洲等地区人民友好往来的重要商贸通道。这种以经济为中心的物质和精神文明交流,不仅丰富了丝绸之路沿线各个民族、国家的物质生活,还对沿线地区、民族的社会结构和文化进步产生了重要影响。  相似文献   

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姚海 《世界历史》2009,(1):4-14
俄罗斯以军事立国.莫斯科公国时代,经常性的战争状态导致了动员型社会、国家战时体制、专制主义统治和农奴制度的形成.但从16世纪到18世纪,对外战争迫使沙皇政权学习和引进西方文化以增强军事和经济力量,从而推动了俄国的欧化进程.19世纪以来,几次大的对外战争深刻地影响了俄罗斯发展道路的选择,而建立军事强国和追求帝国利益的传统目标在其中起了关键作用.  相似文献   

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The Indigenous people of New England’s middle Connecticut River Valley are often imagined as having been subservient to powerful tribal nations elsewhere. Yet, archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence suggests Pocumtuck independence and autonomy in relations with neighboring Native groups and with Dutch, English, and French colonizers during the seventeenth century. We employ a decolonizing framework, drawing on H.M. Wobst’s critique of the preoccupation with dominance and geopolitical “centers” to analyze this evidence. By framing artifacts, colonial texts, and cultural interactions as both past and present “material interventions,” we can generate better understandings of Pocumtuck political autonomy, agency and identity.  相似文献   

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关于丝绸之路国际旅游线路开发的思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
吕琳  吕仁义 《丝绸之路》2009,(6):117-119
在2000多年的历史长河中,丝绸之路一直起着联结东西方通道和桥梁的作用。它是一条联结欧亚大陆的文化通廊,使世界上不同民族的文化体系相互交流、相互学习。丝绸之路也是一条友谊之路、思古之旅。就广义而言.它应当涵盖历史上所有联结东西方的通道,其中主要包括海上和陆上丝绸之路。组织丝绸之路国际旅游.其经由路线具有突出的广义性和多选性。丝绸之路沿线各个国家、国内各省区应秉着资源共享、市场共享、信息共享、利益共享和风险共担的原则,定立共同遵守的原则并分别签订相互间的合作协议。争取尽快开通一系列国际航线.增加或开辟通往路线中各主要节点城市的国内支线航班,全面改善丝绸之路旅游的交通条件。同时加强古丝绸之路重要节点旅游资源的开发、保护和旅游产品的统一推介。鉴于丝绸之路路线、旅游方式和旅游需求结构的多样性,建议尽快编制丝绸之路国际旅游总体规划。  相似文献   

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Abstract. The reconfiguration of political space is bringing about new forms of territorial politics. The meanings of nationalism and the state are being transformed and new types of autonomist movement are emerging. These are often seen as a resurgence of ethnicity, or as attempts to recreate mini nation-states fragmented from the existing ones. Mainstream political science tends to regard them negatively. It is argued that the resurgence of minority nationalism is also a response to the needs for collective action in a world of weakened nation-states. New forms of collective identity and action are emerging which recognise the limitations of traditional sovereignty and the necessary interdependence of the contemporary world. There is much that is new here, but also much that has always been present but has been lost in the state-centred perspective of political science. The argument is illustrated by an examination of three of the most electorally successful nationalist movements in the Western world, in Quebec, Catalonia and Scotland. These are seen not as classic nationalist movements but as nation-building projects which recognise the limitations of the nation-state formula and are engaged in ‘stateless nation-building’. This project is difficult to translate into constitutional terms or to reconcile with the model of the state prevailing in the respective majority communities.  相似文献   

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Growing international migration constitutes a tremendous challenge for contemporary democracies, no more so than for minority nations. An important challenge for the latter is one of acceptance of immigration from the native‐born population, in a context in which immigrant can be seen as both a cultural and a political threat. In this article we ask what explains attitudes towards immigration in minority nations. More specifically, we seek to provide answers to these questions: What is the impact of cultural insecurity on attitudes towards immigration in minority nations? Is strong attachment to a minority nation associated with less positive attitudes towards immigration? And finally, are proponents of independence for minority nations more likely to favour a reduction in the level of immigration than those who oppose it? The article seeks to answer these questions by exploring the case of Quebec.  相似文献   

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张皓 《史学月刊》2003,(5):71-78,83
民国时期推行乡村自治,与其说是受民主潮流的冲击,不如说是统治者探索以何种方式统治乡村的结果。这样,乡村自治不但自始至终受到统治者的严密控制,而且实际上变成了推行保甲勒度,变成了“绅治”。旧中国的社会性质和统治者的阶级本质,决定了现代意义上的真正村民自决的乡村自治;不可能推行。  相似文献   

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