邓小平与香港"后过渡时期"的中英外交斗争

邓小平为解决香港"十二年过渡时期"的"平稳过渡"和"顺利交接"问题,提出创造条件让"爱国爱港"的香港人逐步参与管理并且为1997年收回香港以后"港人治港"培养人才.由于英国在"十二年过渡时期"以"代议制改革"为核心的"非殖民化"的"光荣撤退",以及不惜牺牲中英合作关系和香港前途以香港为"磨心"进行的自"偷步民主"至"民主冲剌"的政治对抗,中国在中英合作的基础已经被破坏、"旧香港"与"新香港"之间的政治体制"直通车"已经"不通"的情况下,根据"以我为主"的原则按照中英"联合声明"和"基本法"的规定对香港特别行政区的政治体制"另起炉灶"筹备香港特别行政区.     

"一国两制"构想的伟大创新

邓小平创造性地提出并推动实施了"一国两制"的伟大构想,这反映了中国政府在解决重大历史问题时务实而明智的作风。本文从国家学说和国家统一思想、国家宪法内容和地方自治立法、国家管理结构和地方自治体制以及解决历史遗留问题的思路和方式等四个方面,对"一国两制"政策在形成与实施过程中的诸多重大创新加以总结和探究。     

他的雷霆之怒为哪般——记邓小平在香港回归问题上的果敢与坚毅

正"一国两制"是中国政府为实现国家和平统一而提出的基本国策。回顾"一国两制"在香港回归过程中的实践历程,特别是邓小平在香港回归问题上的果敢与坚毅,对于我们全面准确地理解和贯彻"一国两制"方针政策,进一步维护国家主权、安全和发展利益,进一步保持和推动香港的长期繁荣稳定,并继续推动"一国两制"实践沿着正确的轨道     

浅析中国区际法律冲突

"九七"香港和"九九"澳门的回归,是"一国两制"构想和模式鄂丰硕成果,相伴而生的是中国区际法律冲突。本文从历史和现实这两个角度出发,分析中国区际法律冲突产生的必然性,总结中国区际法律冲突的特点,并借此从总体上提出中国区际法律冲突的解决。     

"和谐世界"与中国外交的变化

"和谐世界"是中国政府近年来提出的重大国际战略构想,它继承了中国既有的外交思想,同时又包含许多创新,从而使中国外交发生了一些新变化。尤其是"和谐世界"发展了独立自主和平外交的框架,使中国外交进入"和谐外交"的新时代。     

九七前后宁波与香港的经贸关系及其展望

九七前后宁波与香港的经贸关系及其展望乐承耀宁波简称甬,它与香港都是我国沿海港口城市。１５５年前,随着近代第一个不平等条约——《南京条约》的签订,香港割让给英国殖民者,宁波也作为五个通商口岸之一被迫开埠。１９４９年中华人民共和国成立后,中国政府对香港实...     

关于建国后至中共九大期间"接班人"问题的历史考察

新中国建立后至中国共产党召开九大期间,"接班人"的问题曾在中国共产党党内展开过广泛的议论,产生过极大的影响.这一问题蕴藏着复杂和深刻的内容,要想对此问题进行历史性的考察,需要人们去分析当时中国共产党所处的国内和国际环境,研究中国共产党对"接班人"的标准提出了哪些内容,采取了什么具体措施.本文以翔实的史料论述了"接班人"问题的提出、人选的变幻、确立林彪为"接班人"几个问题,力图探索毛泽东和中共领导集体对解决"接班人"问题的历史发展脉络.     

历史时刻

正1987年4月13日,中葡两国政府正式签署《关于澳门问题的联合声明》,宣布中国政府将于1999年12月20日对澳门恢复行使主权。澳门进入回归祖国的过渡期。1993年3月,八届全国人大一次会议审议通过《中华人民共和国澳门特别行政区基本法》,为"一国两制"构想在澳门的实践提供了法律保障。香港、澳门回归进程的启动,证明"一国两制"构想既体现了实现祖国统一、维护     

"一个中国":中国共产党对台方针政策不变的原则--写在《反分裂国家法》颁布一周年之际

新中国成立以来,中国共产党的对台方针政策虽然经历了从"解放台湾"到"一纲四目"乃至"一国两制"的演变,但坚持一个中国、维护祖国统一、捍卫国家主权和领土完整,是其不变的原则.中共十六大以来,中共新一代领导集体在坚持原则的同时,寄希望于台湾人民,处理两岸关系更趋务实灵活,进一步加强了其在两岸关系基本格局中的战略主导地位.     

英国售华"斯贝"军用发动机及美英"有限武装扶华政策"探析

1970年代初,为"联华制苏"进而助推美苏"缓和",尼克松政府制定"有限武装扶华政策",谋求有限提升中国军力,搭建美中制苏安全协调关系.鉴于维护美苏"缓和"而尚不对华售武,美国鼓励英国开启对华技术转让及军售.英国政府基于经济与安全双重利益,于1975年底正式售华比较先进的"斯贝"MK202型军用涡扇发动机.英国对华军售的历史性实践,凸显冷战逻辑巨变."斯贝"军用发动机是中华人民共和国史上首次引进的西方军用装备,从"安全"的角度标注起中西方制苏安全协调关系的实质内涵,凸显其间中国对外战略转轨.售华"斯贝"背后的"有限武装扶华"理念,一直指导着后来西方1970年代末至1980年代对华规模化军售的历史实践,其亦引导了美欧发展对华安全关系背后的相关复杂战略思考.     

中共第一代中央领导集体解决香港问题战略决策的历史考察

在香港回归的历史过程中,以毛泽东为核心的第一代中央领导集体从大局出发,尊重香港的现实,在坚持中国拥有对香港主权的大前提下,提出了“暂时维持现状”、“长期打算,充分利用”、在适当时机通过谈判和平解决香港问题等一系列战略决策,不仅体现了原则的坚定性和策略的灵活性的高度统一,而且其中某些解决香港问题的构想还成为邓小平提出“一国两制”的思想来源。同时,这些战略决策的实施,不仅充分发挥了香港与外部世界联系的作用。而且保持了香港的繁荣和稳定,为后来和平解决香港问题奠定了坚实的基础。     

The Last Stand of Colonialism? The Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Councils and the Sino-British Negotiations Over Hong Kong, 1982–1984

ABSTRACT

As influential leaders in Hong Kong, the Unofficial Members of the Executive and Legislative Council (UMELCO) were arguably the only group of Hong Kong people permitted to take part in the Sino-British negotiations that defined the future of Hong Kong. But almost no studies have explored the broader significance of their participation in the negotiations. Using recently declassified British documents, this article argues that, in the wider history of decolonisation, UMELCO’s petition for British administration belonged to the less noticed voices that called for alternatives to independence. UMELCO’s participation also reveals how the negotiations challenged Hong Kong’s autonomy. Although governors at times advocated Hong Kong’s interests vis-a-vis London, the governor’s autonomy during the negotiations was restricted, so the appeal of UMELCO was further weakened. Although UMELCO wanted to preserve the existing system, their actions inadvertently boosted the rise of ‘Hong Kong people’ as an idea and encouraged local people to demand more democracy. The structure of ExCo, LegCo and the government was mostly inherited by post-1997 Hong Kong, while some of UMELCO shifted to the Chinese side, suggesting the irony that a supposedly anti-colonial China lived with a state that came largely from colonial rule.     

江泽民与香港回归

20世纪90年代以后,以江泽民为核心的中共第三代领导集体和以胡锦涛为总书记的中共新的领导集体,在继承和发展邓小平"一国两制、和平统一"的"政治交代"和"思想遗产"的基础上,在指导香港回归前的"平稳过渡"和"顺利交接"、香港回归后的"保持长期稳定和繁荣"工作的过程中,不断进行新的理论创新和实践创新,使"一国两制"的"香港模式"在探索中逐步成型、成熟,使"香港明天更好"的前景现实性地呈现.     

邓小平与中英香港问题的谈判

在香港回归历史的过程中,邓小平提出了用“一国两制”的方针解决香港问题。并坚持从香港的实际出发,实事求是,亲自领导了中英关于香港问题的谈判,不仅为香港胜利回归祖国打下了坚实的基础,而且也为当今世界提供了一个用和平方式谈判解决国与国争端的成功范例。     

1967年香港反英抗暴斗争后中国对港贸易的恢复

1967年香港的反英抗暴斗争,是中英关系史和香港发展史上一次有重大影响的事件。因此次事件,中国内地暂停经香港的转口业务,港英当局对内地采取贸易歧视政策,美国、日本和中国台湾等乘机加紧对港澳市场的争夺。到1968年,中国商品占香港进口市场份额退居第二位,位列日本之后。在此背景下,中国政府采取强有力措施,迅速恢复和扩大对港澳地区的出口供应。透过历史的考察与分析,可以看出中央政府确保对港澳市场的稳定供应具有战略意义,体现出中央保持港澳地区长期繁荣稳定的方针是一贯的。在反英抗暴斗争中,中央政府坚持有理、有利、有节的斗争方针,在外贸总量同期大幅度下降的情况下,中英贸易没有受到太大的影响。     

Identity and Place: the testament of designated heritage in Hong Kong

This paper examines the extent to which the identity of Hong Kong as a place, and of the Hong Kong Chinese as people, is expressed by the official heritage locations (the seventy-five Declared Monuments) designated by Hong Kong's Antiquities and Monuments Office. The discussion takes account of other heritage initiatives, in particular two recent monuments that commemorate the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong to China. Conclusions are that designated heritage in Hong Kong, more by chance than by deliberate strategy, reflects significant elements of the identities of the Hong Kong people and of Hong Kong as a place. However, more important to the Hong Kong Chinese person's sense of identity than built heritage are the bonds of kin and associated social events.     

Heritage,Identity and Tourism in Hong Kong

Once a part of the Chinese Empire, Hong Kong then became a British colony and changed its status again in 1997 to that of a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. The implications of this history for heritage and cultural identity are discussed with particular reference to their representation and promotion as tourist attractions. Hong Kong is seen to be using its unique heritage in a time of transition and uncertainty to assist in defining a distinct identity that is partly expressed through tourism. There are, however, certain potential conflicts of meaning and interpretation amongst the interested parties that have still to be resolved. The experience of Hong Kong provides an insight into the dynamics of the relationship between identity, heritage and tourism that are especially complex within the context of decolonisation.     

Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese Sovereignty

A team of Hong Kong-based geographers led by a noted specialist provides a comparative overview of Hong Kong and Macao under Chinese sovereignty (respectively, since 1997 and 1999). The authors outline the historical development of both cities, identifying their common legacies as colonial enclaves as well as shared economic experience as autonomous Special Administrative Regions (SARs) under the "one country, two systems" formula devised in Beijing. The paper includes up-to-date statistical information (some through March 2008) on per capita GDP, visitors from Mainland China and from abroad (for both cities), direct investment, employment in financial services, trade and logistics, and tourism (for Hong Kong) as well as revenues from gambling casinos in Macao that are reportedly surpassing those of Las Vegas. Journal of Economic Literature, O16, O18, O20, R11. Classification Numbers: 11 figures, 4 tables, 46 references.     

Chinese Refugee Children and Empires: The Politics of International Adoptions in Cold War Hong Kong

With the support of new sources from British and Hong Kong archives, this study casts new light on the post-war international adoptions of Chinese refugee children in the British colony of Hong Kong. It argues that while children were ‘saved’ and found families overseas, they were also used as pawns in a bigger political game. A way to delegate welfare for the Hong Kong government, a symbolic humanitarian concession vis-à-vis a strict anti-immigration policy for Britain, and an anti-communist propaganda tool for the United States, these adoptions also convey the competing power and population politics played over subject children by two multiracial empires: one in decline (the rapidly decolonising Britain), the other on the rise (the new cold war superpower).