难以阻止的叛逃脚步

7年前,北京申奥成功的消息传到达赖耳朵时,他非常沮丧。但5分钟后,达赖突然意识到,奥运会也可以成为他们"把西藏问题国际化的大好机会"。于是,达赖集团开始了长达7年的密谋——今年3月14日,拉萨发生了举世瞩目的打砸抢烧事件。事实上,在"3·14"事件中,达赖集团勾结西方反华势力,搞"藏独"和抵制北京奥运的行径,正是达赖自出逃以来,长期所用的伎俩。纵观达赖的人生轨迹,一条路线图引人注目:少年达赖受到其老师、纳粹分子的教唆和怂恿:父亲因反对"藏独"被分裂分子毒死,达赖却无动于衷;在印度达兰萨拉"大本营",达赖一边过着腐败的生活,一边处心积虑,密谋"藏独",对外勾结,对内渗透;现在,日益衰老的达赖,又想在他的转世灵童问题上出花招。在分裂祖国的道路上,达赖越走越远……     

盘踞达兰萨拉

1959年3月31日,逃出西藏的达赖正式向印度政府申请"政治避难"。当天,时任印度总理的尼赫鲁,立即宣布印政府"准予达赖政治避难","给予达赖以尊敬的待遇",为他提供"方便",并派官员赴中印边界迎接达赖一行。"惊魂未定"的达赖先被安置在印度东北部的提斯普尔市,4月21日,又被迁往印度北方的穆索里市。住在当地大资本家伯拉家族的英式别墅里。一年     

1954年毛泽东会见达赖、班禅

达赖十四世,名丹增嘉措,1934年出生于青海省湟中县的藏族农民家庭。1949年中华人民兵和国成立以后,达赖十四世曾派代表团到北京,与中央人民政府代表举行谈判,签订了《十七条协议》,西藏和平解放。1959年,西藏一部分农奴主为了抗拒民主改革,发动了武装叛乱。达赖十四世出走印度,利用其西藏宗教领袖的特殊地位,不断挑拨民族关系,挑起民族矛盾,妄图将西藏从祖国分裂出去。《1954年毛泽东会见达赖、班禅》一文,真实地记录了以毛泽东为首的中共中央领导人在第一次全国人民代表大会召开期间对达赖和班禅的热情款待,对西藏和平所寄予的殷切希望。本文作者降边嘉措曾先后为十世班禅、喜饶嘉措大师等民族宗教界上层人士担任过翻译。     

朵噶·彭措饶杰

朵噶·彭措饶杰,中国人民解放军高级将领,西藏著名的爱国上层人士。和平解放前为西藏地方政府四噶伦之一、藏军总司令;和平解放后1956年任西藏自治区筹备委员会委员、中国人民解放军西藏军区副司令员。20世纪50年代初,中国人民解放军进军西藏的关键历史时期,国内国际政治形势错综复杂,朵噶·彭措饶杰审时度势,积极拥护中央人民政府和平解放西藏的方针及关于西藏工作的各项举措,热情参与西藏地方政府和军区的领导工作,为民族团结、西藏内部的团结和社会稳定、发展、建设付出了心血,做出了贡献。在维护祖国统一、反对分裂问题上他立场坚定、旗帜鲜明,关键时刻敢于挺身而出,与分裂分子做斗争。1956年在陪同达赖喇嘛到印度参加释迦牟尼诞生2500年纪念活动后,在日喀则停留期间的1957年藏历年期间,因劳累过度辞世,终年54岁。2003年是这位爱国人士、我军的高级将领百年诞辰,本刊特在此辑录他的一些事迹,以示纪念。     

藏区要闻

藏区要闻达赖认定班禅灵童是非法的无效的５月１７日国务院宗教事务局发言人就达赖喇嘛在印度宣布西藏的一名儿童为＂班禅转世灵童＂事发表谈话,严正申明：５月１４日,达赖喇嘛在印度突然宣布西藏一名儿童为＂班禅转世灵童＂。这充分暴露了达赖集团在一系列分裂祖国的活...     

把真实的西藏介绍给世界──在《中国西藏》杂志座谈会上的讲话

达赖分裂主义集团自1959年武装叛乱失败逃离西藏至今,我们同达赖集团的斗争一天也没有停止过,只是各个时期斗争的表现形式不同而已。80年代后期,达赖勾结西方反华势力,错误估计形势,变本加厉地进行分裂祖国的活动,1987年达赖分裂主义集团在拉萨连续制造了“9·27”、“10·1”等几起大规模的骚乱闹事事件。同时达赖分裂集团在国际上四处鼓吹“西藏独立”,到处散布谣言,混淆视听,极力攻击和诬蔑社会主义的新西藏。我区的反分裂斗争形势日益尖锐复杂,我们同达赖集团的斗争进入了白热化的阶段,但是,当时在国际上真正了解西藏的人很…     

藏区要闻

中共中央台办、国务院台办发言人就达赖访台一事发表谈话中共中央台办、国务院台办发言人2月28日就达赖访台一事发表谈话说：台湾和西藏都是中国不可侵害的领土。众所周知,达赖集团长期从事分裂祖国的活动,在国际上公开鼓吹“西藏独立”。最近,台湾方面公然邀请达赖访台,充分表明台湾当局与达赖分裂集团相互勾结利用,公开同流合污,在分裂祖国的道路上越走越远。中国共产党、中国政府和中国人民维护国家主权和领土完整的决心是坚定不移的,维护民族团结和宗教信仰自由的立场是坚定不移的,决不充许任何分裂祖国的图谋得逞。西方舆论对…     

无根漂泊几时休?

1995年的11月,全国政协主席李瑞环同志在班禅转世灵童寻访领导小组第三次会议发表了重要讲话：“达赖1959年武装叛乱失败逃离西藏,一贯坚持其背叛、分裂祖国的反动立场。近几年,在外国某些势力的怂恿下,他错误估计形势,变本加厉地进行分裂祖国的活动,一面在国内藏区策划、煽动骚乱,一面乞求洋人支持,妄图使西藏问题国际化。达赖处心积虑地利用班禅转世问题大做文章,其目的就是要改变班禅爱国的历史传统,为他分裂祖国、搞乱西藏服务。大量事实表明,达赖是图谋西藏独立的分裂主义政治集团的总头子,是国际反华势力的忠实工具,是在…     

达赖认定班禅灵童是非法的无效的

达赖认定班禅灵童是非法的无效的国务院宗教事务局发言人答新华社记者问５月１４日,达赖喇嘛在印度突然宣布西藏一名儿童为“班禅转世灵童”。这充分暴露了达赖集团在一系列分裂祖国的活动屡遭失败之后,利用班禅转世,继续从事分裂活动的政治图谋。众所周知,藏传佛教格...     

对内渗透 花招百出

达赖在境外勾结反华势力的同时,对内大搞分裂活动,向西藏渗透的花招层出不穷:从组织非法武装在边境进行骚扰,到派特工潜入西藏搞破坏,再到派遣"参观团"争夺宗教权,诱骗藏族青少年加入"藏独"……搞分裂不择手段。组织武装骚扰边境1960年9月,在达赖的支持下,西藏叛乱武装在尼泊尔木斯塘重建"四水六岗军",由此拉开对中国边境长达十多     

1949—1951年美国如何阻挠和破坏西藏和平解放

1949—1951年间,美国策划达赖喇嘛出走,破坏西藏和平解放。起初,美国反对达赖喇嘛离藏,支持噶厦抵抗人民解放军解放西藏。美国后来认识到不可能阻挡人民解放军的进军,因而要求达赖喇嘛流亡锡兰或泰国,不得已时到美国"避难"。《十七条协议》公布后,美国反对达赖喇嘛返回拉萨,要求达赖喇嘛在靠近西藏的地区流亡或"访问"印度。中华人民共和国中央人民政府采取因地制宜的措施,达赖喇嘛最终返回西藏并通电拥护《十七条协议》。美国的企图必然破灭,西藏的和平解放是历史发展的必然。     

1949—1951年美国如何阻挠和破坏西藏和平解放

1949—1951年间,美国策划达赖喇嘛出走,破坏西藏和平解放。起初,美国反对达赖喇嘛离藏,支持噶厦抵抗人民解放军解放西藏。美国后来认识到不可能阻挡人民解放军的进军,因而要求达赖喇嘛流亡锡兰或泰国,不得已时到美国"避难"。《十七条协议》公布后,美国反对达赖喇嘛返回拉萨,要求达赖喇嘛在靠近西藏的地区流亡或"访问"印度。中华人民共和国中央人民政府采取因地制宜的措施,达赖喇嘛最终返回西藏并通电拥护《十七条协议》。美国的企图必然破灭,西藏的和平解放是历史发展的必然。     

How could it be possible to only follow one s Inclination in choosing the reincarnation of the living Buddhas?

For over ten years (particularly in re- cent times),the 14~(th) Dalai Lama has from time to time been addressing is- sues concerning his reincarnation.He has frequently said,on various occasions,that if he passed away in India,his suc- cessor-the 15~(th) Dalai Lama,would definitely follow in his political mission.He claimed that the re-     

Symbol and power: the Dalai Lama as a charismatic leader

This article originated in a brief but inspiring analysis by Margaret Nowak. Nowak used Sherry Ortner's concept of ‘summarising symbol’ to imply that, much the same way as the American flag was the epitome of the United States to each and every American, the Dalai Lama encompasses everything Tibetan to the Tibetan people. What does this comparison say about the Dalai Lama? I examine the relationship between symbol, power and charisma with Tenzin Gyatso, the current Dalai Lama, as a case in point. With exile, there has been a shift in the symbolic importance of the Dalai Lama, both as a man and as an institution, from a symbol of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism to a symbol of the Tibetan cause and, more generally, to a symbol of Buddhism in the world. These changes have given Tenzin Gyatso a new authority in the Tibetan community: he is now the unique and unquestioned leader of the Tibetan cause in the world. I discuss the problems that occur when a symbol is also a man and a leader, as well as the solutions proposed, at a moment when the Tibetan community in exile is experiencing democratisation.     

评清朝的西藏政策

清朝重新统一西藏后,通过册封、定制、设官、驻军等措施,并扶持达赖、班禅成为西藏的政教领袖,建立了政教合一的噶厦制度,实现了对西藏的有效管理和统治,维护了清朝在西藏的主权和领土完整,其西藏政策对后世产生了深远影响。本文从反分裂主义的角度重新审视清朝的西藏政策,认为清朝的治藏政策重政治、军事,而轻经济、文化,导致西藏与祖国内地的经济文化交流、民族融合明显滞后,为近代西藏分裂主义的产生埋下了隐患。     

美国中央情报局在中国西藏的准军事行动新探(1949～1969)

1949～1969年,美国中央情报局在中国西藏从事了一系列准军事行动,其实质是为美国远东战略利益服务,目标是利用西藏分裂势力遏制与分裂中国。其具体内容包括:为西藏叛乱分子提供情报和准军事训练技术;在西藏实施公路袭扰和破坏行动;为达赖集团提供军事物资和活动经费;开展针对中国的情报活动,等等。     

Aspects of the Contact between the Sixth Panchen Lama and the British East India Company

This paper summarizes previous research on the contacts between the sixth Panchen Lama of Tibet and the British East India Company (EIC). Extensive research has been done on the archives and travelogues written in English, yet further attention needs to be paid to the significance of these contacts to the Panchen Lama’s historic visit to the Qing court around the same time. Although little is available in Chinese and Tibetan sources on this event, important questions have yet to be raised and discussed. Drawing upon what has been done on this topic, the author makes further use of Tibetan materials and the catalog of Manchu archives in the First Historical Archive of China, and concludes that the plan and efforts for the EIC to open its trade route to China through Tibet were essentially based on wishful thinking or false hope without thorough understanding of Tibet or Qing court, or the delicate relations between the two. Even though the EIC’s late 18th century efforts through the Hindu merchant monk Gosain Purangir were in vain, examining the many contacts between the sixth Panchen Lama and the EIC and Purangir’s trip to Beijing provide a novel perspective on the relations between Tibet and the Qing court in the second half of the 18th century. This inquiry also demonstrates that during the same period, Tibet was not a land of isolation; on the contrary, it was an integral part of “the pre-modern globalization” process.     

NEW BOOKS

Record of AmericanPolicy on TibetThis is one of the series books titledSeries Books on Modern History of Tibetwith Zhou Yuan as their chief editor.Authored by Zhang Zhirong and WeiYunpeng, both members of the Tibetanstudies group of Peking Univeristy, thisone contains research fruit they gainedover the past years. It records, in a sys-tematic way, American policy on Tibet. Ittells why the anti-China forces in the Westleft no stone unturned to split China andrumors they spread for the …     

20世纪40-50年代美国对中国西藏政策的历史演变

The U.S. policy toward Tibet has always changed in accordance with the U.S. international strategy and the U.S. foreign policy toward China. Before the foundation of the People’s Republic of China, the U.S. admitted Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. During the Cold War, due to its anti-communism strategy, the U.S. began to consider recognizing the independence claim of Tibetan separatists, especially after 1959, when the Dalai Lama was exiled abroad. However, the U.S. government has not openly admitted Tibet is an independent country, because, in the light of the historical development of Tibet within China, claims of independence cannot be substantiated and therefore Tibetan separatism cannot win the recognition or support of the majority of countries in the world.     

Making and remaking Tibetan diasporic identities

The fifty-year long Chinese occupation of Tibet has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands and has produced a refugee flow that continues today. Although the plight of Tibetans commands international attention, this diaspora remains understudied and undertheorized. To speak to this silence, we follow Patterson and Kelley (2000) and argue that the Tibetan diaspora can be analysed as both a condition and a process. Diaspora as condition emphasizes the structural features of an exile population, such as race, gender, class and religion. Diaspora as process draws attention to lived refugee experiences--the making and remaking of diasporic identities. In the Tibetan diaspora, His Holiness the Dalai Lama holds a central position. Through his global profile, and a transnational nationalist political structure, he creates images of Tibet, builds community and works toward Tibetan self-determination. Within this nationalist frame, Tibetan identities assume a singular, unified and homogeneous form. Further analysis that focuses on individual voices, however, shows how Tibetan diasporic identities are contested, complex and embedded in not one but multiple narratives of struggle.