Britain and Europe: Devolution and Foreign Policy

After the results of the September 1997 referendums in Scotland and Wales, devolution within the United Kingdom has become a certainty. This article considers the implications of the establishment of a Scottish parliament and a Welsh assembly for 'British' foreign policy. The author traces views of 'Britishness' from the beginning of the century, when 'home for all' had a brief vogue during the imperial heyday, through the mid-century period when an essentially anglocentric 'Britishness' seemed relatively uncontroversial, to the more contentious scene opened up by the end of empire, the retreat of the Commonwealth and the increasing prominence of the European Community/Union. He examines the new Labour government's official statements on the remit of the devolved institutions and considers the prospects after devolution for a UK foreign policy that is more genuinely 'British' than before, and for the emergence of, in particular, a distinctively 'Scottish' foreign policy.     

Introduction: The Future of Europe and the Transatlantic Relationship

In her Introduction to this issue of International Affairs devoted to the future of Europe and the transatlantic relationship, Julie Smith highlights the challenges facing the West's major organizations—the European Union and NATO. The Convention on the Future of Europe, enlargement of both NATO and the EU, the euro debate, and the tensions in the transatlantic relationship are discussed in the context of the articles in these pages.     

Footfalls echoing in the memory. Britain and Europe: the historical perspective

Britain's difficulties with the European Union have deep historical roots. The events of the Second World War served to emphasize Britain's separation from the continent. Because Britain was fortunate enough not to share the wartime experiences of the continent, it was not exposed to the ideology of European unity, an attempt to transcend the forces of nationalism that had twice involved the continent in ruinous wars.
During the immediate postwar years, leaders of both of the major parties in Britain continued to believe in its special global role. Even when Britain finally entered the Community in 1973, differences between its institutions and those of the other member states caused problems. Perhaps these difficulties would have been equally apparent if Britain had joined the European Community at an earlier stage.
It can be argued that the main division in postwar British politics has been between those who saw its separation from the continent as a historically transient phenomenon, and those who regarded it as a defining feature of Britain's experience. This division cuts across left and right and still has to be resolved.     

Ireland and the UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage

Ratification by Ireland of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage will not be able to take place until after enactment of additional domestic legislation. The reasons for this are examined in the context of Ireland’s legal system. Since 1987 Ireland has had extensive legal protection for underwater cultural heritage, but the jurisdictional aspects of the Convention are key to understanding why additional legislation is necessary. Issues relating to salvage law are also considered. The 2001 Convention is placed in the context of development of Irish policy on underwater cultural heritage.     

会展与旅游

会展业与旅游业是两个关联性很强的关联性产业,本丈阐述了会展业与旅游业相互促进关系、政府旅游机构对会展业的促进作用,并提出了可行性措施。     

中世纪英国城市化水平研究

城市化发端和发展于前工业社会,工业社会只是大大加速了这一历史进程。城市化水平是国际公认和切实可行的前工业时期城市化的测量指标,但如何进行测定又决定于研究者对城市定义的看法。以往的研究者认为中世纪英国是一个低城市化水平的社会,而晚近的研究证明这种认识是不正确的。根据现在对城市化水平的衡量标准,中世纪英国不是城市化的“低水平状态”,很可能从13世纪晚期到14世纪早期起进入了城市化的“一般发展状态”,并在人口锐减的条件下基本保持下来,为工业革命后攀登“中等发展状态”这个城市化的第三个台阶奠定了非常重要的历史基础。     

超国家民族经济网络的运营：华商大会与韩商大会的比较分析

选择华商与韩商大会作为个案,运用比较研究的方法,对华商网络与韩商网络的运营机制及其特征进行了阐述和分析。韩商大会与华商大会是两个最具规模的离线网络协力系统,在强化网络成员之间的联系与沟通乃至在构筑民族共同体方面具有十分重要的意义。两个大会在会议周期、运营体系和世界性影响力方面又具有很大差异。     

世界华商大会初探

世界华商大会自1991年举办至今,已发展成为当今世界的一项知名盛会。本文分析了大会产生的背景,概述了第一届到第八届大会的基本情况,并指出其发展具有四个特点:一是大会经济、政治、文化等方面的综合性;二是大会组织逐渐成熟、举办经验更加丰富;三是大会与中国经济发展壮大具有某种同步性;四是历次大会的主题体现了与时俱进的特点。作者最后认为,应实事求是地评估大会的作用。     

Difficulties facing the Chemical Weapons Convention

This article discusses, from a civil society viewpoint, the pitfalls in the way of progress towards a world free of chemical weapons. States’ parties are about to assemble for their second five‐yearly conference to review the operation of the treaty that established obligations intended to create such a world. The destruction of weapons and associated infrastructure required under the treaty is now nearing completion, but there remains the challenge of preventing a resurgence of chemical weapons under the influence of new utilities and other forms of value created by political change, by diffusing technology, and by advancing science. Impeding such governance is the need to accommodate divergent national interests, compounded by widespread ignorance or misunderstanding of issues involved, or heedlessness towards them. This is especially to be seen in the failure of a substantial majority of states’ parties to incorporate into their implementing legislation the comprehensive nature of the prohibitions set forth in the treaty. It is also evident in the growing list of issues in the ‘too difficult to deal with’ category. An important consequence is the creeping legitimization, or acceptance by default, of activities that ought to have been the subject of collective consultation among all states’ parties. One example is the growing use for purposes of counterterrorism of chemical weapons that fall outside the category of ‘weapons of mass destruction’ but which are nevertheless chemical weapons in the sense of the treaty. A measure of the success of the impending Review Conference will be the mandate it establishes for the conduct of such consultations.     

英国与1915年《海峡协定》

1915海峡协定是英国战时外交的产物。出于对德战争的需要,英国向俄国承诺战后根据俄国的意愿解决海峡问题,但这绝非是英国单方面的让步,也并没有改变英国传统的“帝国防御战略”。英国在做出让步的同时,不仅最大限度地实现了自己在中近东地区的利益要求,还为在这一地区获得进一步的补偿保留了充分的余地。《海峡协定》签订后,列强开始了对奥斯曼帝国领土的全面瓜分。