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The EU Water Framework Directive (WFD) can be seen as a reform effort that intervenes in the member states' domestic administrative system by obliging “whole of government” measures across sectoral lines of authority and levels of government. This puts pressure on the sectoral authorities to coordinate their activities. In this article we ask the following questions: How do the state executives respond to the WFD? How can we understand their behaviour and action choices in the implementation of EU law? And third: What can our findings tell us about changes to the European administrative system? This article reveals that despite resistance and strong cognitive priors among the state executives, the WFD logic of ecosystem-based management is gaining a foothold as an administrative principle. Thus, in order to explain changes in the administrative system, we need to take the regional level into account. Our findings suggest that attention needs to be paid to the role of complex, multi-level structures, which includes the regional, river basin district level in the development of a European administrative order.  相似文献   

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辽宁省民族地区新农村建设的思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
改革开放以来,尤其是进入“十五”发展期间以来,辽宁省民族地区在发展农村经济和推进社会全面进步等方面采取多种有效措施,取得显著成效,但是与“社会主义新农村”的标准和要求相比,还有很大差距。农业的基础仍然十分薄弱,农民增收的难度日益加大,农村的面貌需要进一步改善,阻碍农村经济繁荣、社会稳定发展的因素依然存在,社会主义新农村建设任重道远。按照中央提出建设社会主义新农村要求,结合辽宁民族地区农业、农村发展现状,本文提出了建设辽宁民族地区新农村的基本思路和对策,为各级党政领导科学决策提供咨询建议。  相似文献   

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本文以内蒙古额尔古纳市为个案研究,重点讨论人口较少民族发展特色乡村旅游与建设社会主义新农村相结合等问题,提出“消除贫困是新农村建设的前提和基础”,而“旅游富农”模式为人口较少民族加快发展步伐提供了一条有效路径和一种参考模式,具有重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

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在数字时代背景下,"快乐"成为博物馆体验的重要组成部分,同时也是现代博物馆吸引观众、提升自身竞争力的重要手段.数字媒体技术为博物馆提供了前所未有的工具,通过将快乐与博物馆展览相结合,可以更好地服务观众,为观众提供更加丰富的参观体验."游戏"作为一个重要展示方式,不仅对儿童具有强大吸引力,对成年人也同样重要,数字时代的博物馆应该充分利用游戏机制使展览变得更具吸引力.创造快乐也是实现博物馆教育功能的重要途径,数字时代博物馆需要将知识与趣味相结合,使观众在快乐的博物馆体验中获得新知.  相似文献   

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第三次中央民族工作会议与中国共产党民族理论的新发展   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
第三次中央民族工作会议阐述了一系列富有时代特征的新思想、新观点、新论断。本文主要从民族问题、民族发展和民族关系三个方面,对中国共产党在本次会议上就马克思主义民族理论中国化的新贡献、新发展进行了概括和总结。  相似文献   

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Carl Levy 《Modern Italy》2013,18(1):103-104
The recent argument that the notion of ‘transition’ should be set aside in attempting to explain the trajectory of Italian politics in the past two decades is to be welcomed, but does not go far enough in explaining why we, as Italianists, got our case wrong and how exactly we might get our case right today. The transitional ‘myth’ was born and maintained despite growing evidence of its inherently problematic nature, in both conceptual and empirical terms. The concept of ‘transition’ needs more serious conceptual treatment and empirical application, but even with this work it is unlikely to be concluded that Italy is in transition. Freeing Italy and Italianists from this conventional wisdom, while, at the same time, not abandoning the idea that something exceptional happened to Italian politics in the early 1990s will help enrich the debate on the nature of the political change that Italy has experienced in the past 17 years.  相似文献   

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广州世居满族是清代驻粤八旗兵的后裔,广州满族坟场自满族八旗兵驻防广州之时即开始兴建,已经有246年历史,它是广州市区内唯一一座公共墓园。满族坟场的兴衰沉浮记录了广州满族的发展历程,反映出城市散杂居民族于异质世界中,在共同语言、共同生活地域、共同经济生活均已消亡的情况下,如何调整族群认同以适应环境变化,在现代社化语境中维护本族群的独立与发展。  相似文献   

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Abstract

This study argues that since the end of World War II, the Taiwanese Presbyterian Church’s practical institutionalised arrangements for evangelisation have had the unintended consequence of creating an imagined multi-layered aboriginal national Subject. The argument is founded upon analysis of three main points. First, aboriginal members’ daily practices within the three-level federalist church polity formed in their minds an acquired “schema”, a ready-made cognitive structure that could be easily appropriated by them to imagine their own nations in a certain way. Second, when the Church promoted the translation of the Bible and hymns into aboriginal vernaculars for practical evangelising reasons, it unintentionally created tribe-based cultural-linguistic mediums as national languages upon which the contents of aboriginal nations could be elaborated and reproduced. This step further consolidated tribe-based ethnic categorisation and facilitated the reification of aboriginal nations. Third, since aboriginal ministers and elders were institutionally endowed with many strengths in comparison to other aboriginal elites, they came to serve as human activators in formulating and spreading the imagination of the multi-layered aboriginal national Subject.  相似文献   

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Transnational actors are increasingly surfacing when it comes to understanding the global dimensions of the modern nation-state. Thinking of the modern state from the diversity of its personnel and its many intersections with private and semi-private actors or institutions with a transnational reach, the new diplomatic history acknowledges the embeddedness of states in border-crossing agencies. What has been conceptualized as ‘network diplomacy’ grasps both the role of transnational epistemic communities for the making of particular policy fields and the perception of diplomats as an integral part of transnational initiatives. Taking the League of Nations as a case study, this article analyses how its personnel attempted to spell out ideas of network diplomacy and to make their exposed position at the intersection of transnational civil society, state politics and international institutions work to effect political change. We focus on the transnational career of Arthur Sweetser (1888–1968) who, as a journalist, a long-term member of the League secretariat, the UN staff and the US administration, was at the forefront of developing new techniques of diplomatic practices beyond institutional mandates. Sweetser’s trajectory allows us to illuminate the mechanisms of network diplomacy by probing into multi-layered negotiation processes that engaged state practices, international institutions and the border-crossing agency of individuals. Characterizing him as transnational enables one to interlink his mobile trajectory with a particular scope of action that unfolded beyond the political demarcation of the nation-state and its instituted logics of rule and diplomacy. We further carve out the main features of a diplomatic practice that was formally non-existent yet crucial to the transfer of League principles, practices and personnel to the new United Nations.  相似文献   

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