论盛宣怀对晚清电报利权的维护

19世纪60年代,西方列强为了更好地攫取在华利益,接连向晚清政府提出设立电报的要求,采取诱导恫吓、修改条约、擅自架线等各种手段侵蚀中国的电报利权。面对西方列强的种种要求,中国电报局总办盛宣怀,运用谈判策略与技巧,与列强折冲周旋,为维护和收回电报利权作出了大量贡献,做到了"权自我操",为中国电报事业的发展奠定了良好的基础。     

第二次四明公所案与上海法租界的扩界

第二次四明公所案是19世纪末发生在上海的一件大事,它直接导致上海法租界的扩大。从其产生背景、经过和结果来看,第二次四明公所案并非近代化市政建设与落后的国民意识和风俗习惯之间的矛盾,而是当时列强掀起的瓜分中国势力范围的一个组成部分。在交涉过程中,清政府利用"地方外交"和"以夷制夷"策略,虽然一定程度上达到了为中央政府减压的目的,抵制了法方的一些侵略要求,使得法国政府最终放弃浦东和南向的扩界图谋,但"地方外交"和"以夷制夷"策略的作用是有限的,不但无法实现清政府的愿望,反而使清政府的外交显得进退失据,最后落得被夷协谋、得不偿失的结局。英、法等列强在瓜分中国势力范围过程中虽然存在利益矛盾和冲突,但他们最终都会以牺牲中国的利益达成妥协。     

试论晚清的保矿策略

20世纪初,清政府为了抵制帝国主义列强进一步侵占中国的矿产利权,采取了限制外国资本在华办理矿务的条件和权利,加强对矿务的管理和控制矿地的策略,以保护尚存的矿产利权。长期以来,我们只注重于揭露帝国主义列强侵占我国矿产利权的侵略行为和清政府出卖国家矿产利权的卖国罪行,而对清政府所采取的这一保矿策略及其具体措施则视而不见,避而不谈。这很不利于我们准确地认识和把握当时清政府的矿务政策及其与帝国主义列强的关系。因此,本文拟对清政府采取的这一保矿策略作一初步的探     

近代中国地方卫生行政的诞生:以营口为中心的考察

清末,营口的卫生行政在列强的干涉下逐渐成型。1899年,营口爆发鼠疫,地方当局迫于外交压力临时设立卫生局,推行卫生制度;俄国和日本出于不同的目的,先后在占领期间强化卫生行政;1906年因应自上而下的新政改革,卫生成为营口地方行政职能。由于地处地缘政治复杂的东北,列强对营口卫生行政形成的影响有两大特征:一是差异性,以俄、日为代表的列强虽遵循同样的卫生规则,但因各自不同的利益追求和对华政策,采用不同的方式推动卫生行政;一是调适性,官府虽迫于列强压力基本采纳卫生行政,但在具体实行过程中,中外间的跨国互动终使卫生组织和制度得以确立。因此,营口卫生行政具有明显的局限性:卫生局虽建立起来,但管辖权范围有限,很难辐射到营口之外的地区;列强只有以干涉的形式迫使周边地区行动起来,才能保证营口卫生制度的有效运行。     

抗战初期国民政府的求和与英美调停

抗战初期中国政府联合英美谋求停战议和的策略 ,是中国政府军事外交的一个重要部分 ,也是同日本进行外交战的一个重要步骤。它虽然没有、也完全不可能立刻阻止日本帝国主义的侵略 ,但是客观上还是起到一定的历史作用。本文根据已公布的历史资料 ,对这一方针进行探讨。一、卢沟桥事变爆发后 ,中国政府请求英、美调解卢沟桥事变后 ,中国政府决策层认为 ,在中国据有重大利益的西方列强必不赞成日本扩大侵华战争。因此 ,在卢沟桥事变爆发后的一段时间里 ,中国政府的策略是 :力求引起国际社会的关注 ,敦促列强出面讲话 ,请求英、美调解 ,借列强之…     

两次鸦片战争期间清朝对欧美小国的外交

两次鸦片战争期间,清朝政府将欧美小国与欧美列强“一视同仁”,宁愿让欧美小国享受欧美列强从清朝攫取的除割地赔款之外的种种特权,也不轻易满足欧美小国提出的符合近代国际惯例的一些要求.这样,清朝对欧美小国的外交也不断丧权辱国.究其原因,在于清朝以传统的“天朝上国”思想来指导近代对欧美小国的外交;清朝对欧美小国外交的最主要目的,是为了维护“天朝上国”的体制,而不是保护近代意义上的国家主权.     

南京开埠通商前后

开埠通商是指近代社会某一国家或地区通过建立海关以开展国际间的经贸往来。在通常情况下,主权国家与另一些主权国家之间,在平等互利互惠为基础上的互通有无,有利于促进共同发展。但近代中国的开埠通商,是一个饱含屈辱的事件,它是与资本帝国主义列强对华的侵略与掠夺...     

租界华商与“五四”后的北京政府及西方列强——20世纪20年代初上海租界华人拒贴印花税票研究

北京政府为开征租界内华人印花税,与西方列强进行了长时间交涉,有抗争、亦有妥协,最终于1919年年底达成了《租界内华人实行贴用印花办法》,并拟于1920年1月1日起施行。但是,有令难行,北京政府拟于租界华商中开征印花税之举遭到了强烈抵制,租界华商在上海总商会和马路商界联合会的组织下,以负担过重、"华洋不能一律"为理据,拒贴印花税票,并借助工部局的力量,达到了抵制印花税的目的。在北京政府、西方列强与租界华商的三方博弈中,西方列强是真正的赢家,北京政府和租界华商都是弱者,租界华商只有借助西方列强的力量才得以拒绝印花税,得不到西方列强支持的北京政府没有达到开征印花税的目的,其权威再次受到挑战,工部局则成功地维护了其对租界的管治权。     

抵制美货运动时期中国民众的“近代性”

抵制美货运动时期中国民众的“近代性”〔韩〕金希教２０世纪初,以义和团运动与抵制美货运动为代表的清末民众运动,反映了中国政治格局的一些显著变化。这一时期,中国出现了具有近代意义的民众社会和民众民族主义,是民众的反抗扼制了列强的殖民化过程。一近代民众社会...     

藩属体系视阈下的清代中越关系

受传统“天下观”“夷夏观”“服事观”影响,清代中越藩属关系在政治上讲求以“字小事大”为核心的差序格局,具有重“礼”不重“驭”的特征;经济上讲求以“厚往薄来”为准则的朝贡贸易,具有重“义”不重“利”的特征;文化上讲求以“德化四夷”为目标的文化辐射,具有重“文”不重“武”的特征;军事上讲求以“不治夷狄”为追求的军事威慑,具有重“统”不重“治”的特征。到19世纪中叶,随着西方列强的全球扩张,中越传统藩属关系在与西方列强主导的条约体系的交锋中逐渐瓦解,中越分别沦为西方列强的半殖民地和殖民地,走上了寻求民族独立、构建近现代主权国家的道路。中越边界由传统的习惯线向近现代主权国家边界线转变,中越关系也从传统的藩属关系向近现代国家间关系演变。     

古巴导弹危机与20世纪60年代的美苏关系

古巴导弹危机是冷战时期的一个重要事件,人类第一次直接面临着核战争的威胁。这场危机是美苏进行激烈较量、争夺的必然结果。在紧张对峙的同时,美苏都在寻求和解的办法,力图避免事态的恶化,最终的结果是相互妥协,使世界得以从大战边缘蹒跚而过。     

日俄战争后日俄美的东北亚政策

2005年作为日俄建交150周年的纪念,在日俄关系及东北亚国际关系中都将具有重要意义。同样,重新研究一百年前的日俄战争结束后东北亚地区主要国际势力的对策,对于认清国际外交舞台上瞬息骤变的政治风云,及各国纵横捭阖以采取符合本国利益的积极对策是有一定借鉴意义的。本文即对日、俄、美三个对东北亚地区有重要影响的国家在日俄战争后的外交对策进行了简要的论述。     

Diplomatic Relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century

The diplomatic relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire of the second half of the eighteenth century are a crucial part of the foreign policy of both powers and represent one of the most important and interesting topics in European political history. This article is devoted to a study of the specifics of Russo-Ottoman diplomatic ties in the context of the evolution of international relations from the time of the ending of the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763) to the signing of the Peace Treaty of Jassy (1792).     

At Once Human and Not Human: Law,Gender and Historical Becoming in Colonial Egypt

This article explores two approaches to the gendered human that occupied the historical stage of colonial Egypt. The first was juridical, the second was Islamic and mystical. Elaborating on the first, ‘juridical humanity’, this article probes the constitutive force of modern law in cementing the human as its teleology as well as the colonial operations of this force. Fashioning itself as an answer to the question ‘who is the human?’, juridical humanity took on particular salience in relation to women while engendering disciplinary operations: the humanising powers of colonial law instituted a system of bondage between the law and the woman‐human. The mystical articulation, on the other hand, offered a competing vision for the human, one that constituted an answer to the question ‘where is the human?’, thereby making impossible the unleashing of colonial humanising powers.     

United States reactions to empire,colonialism, and cold war in Black Africa, 1949–57

United States interest in and involvement with Black Africa under colonial rule began in the immediate years following the Second World War when Africa was seen primarily as an adjunct to European recovery with economic requirements predominating. When the continent assumed political importance for American Cold War policy, Washington began to grapple with the dilemma of winning African support and preserving the alliance with European colonial powers. The African dimension was seen as having future significance in the Cold War while the Atlantic alliance served present Cold and hot war planning needs. After a brief attempt to portray colonialism in a positive Cold War light and develop a more independent policy, Washington reverted to working with the colonial powers towards implementing the common goals of self-government. It was defined in the latter part of the first Eisenhower administration as providing the best political compromise in the Cold War while offering the prospect of mutually profitable relations with dependent African countries.     

The Cold War and environmental history: complementary fields

The Cold War was not only for the hearts and minds of people, it was also for their mouths and bellies, that is, for food, energy and raw materials. This signified a global power struggle over the control of natural resources. In addition to the increasing consumption of natural resources and resulting pollution, the destructive capacity of the weapons of mass destruction compelled human beings to recognise that their activities could ultimately endanger the planet earth. The Cold War was a propagator and framework for the birth of global catastrophism and also for the emergence of a global environmental awareness. Nature, its exploitation and also gradually its protection, opened up yet another front in the Cold War. Yet the relationship between the Cold War and the environment was reciprocal. On the one hand, concerns over environmental contamination or destruction called into question the meaningfulness of the Cold War itself. On the other hand, the specific sociopolitical structures of the Cold War deeply affected the emergence of environmental ideas, ideals, organisations and activities in different continents.     

Congress and Back Seat Driving

Few pieces of legislation in the realm of foreign policy decisionmaking have greater potential effect or are more controversial than the War Powers Resolution. The Resolution was intended originally to create greater leverage for Congress over executive use of military force. In this effort, it is widely believed that the Resolution has been ineffective. This paper uses an information theoretic model to examine the War Powers Resolution. Results of the modeling process allow for two general assertions. First, the model suggests that the Resolution is an optimal choice of procedure by the legislature. In other words, the War Powers Resolution is better for Congress than its alternatives. Second, the information theoretic approach used here seems to coincide with an anecdotal history of the war powers debate better than do alternative explanations. Indeed, the analysis helps to explain why war powers legislation was not considered seriously sooner. Though criticism of the War Powers Resolution has its merits, claims for a variety of alternative procedural systems may be open to challenge. Those wishing to establish mechanisms for curtailing executive adventurism abroad may find it more rewarding to focus efforts on the budgeting process or on the reduction of military force structures.     

论英国在新中国联合国席位问题上的政策(1949～1951年)

英国宣布承认新中国之后,以帮助新中国进入联合国作为推动两国外交关系的突破口,并试图影响美国的态度。执政党的民主社会主义理念、对于中国革命与前途的认知及对美国对华政策的负面印象使英国政府力图奉行独立的对华政策。随着冷战的升级,朝鲜战争的爆发,联合国席位问题复杂化。美国日益强硬的态度及英国在西欧防务问题上对美国的依赖,使英国违心屈服于美国的压力,但在某种程度上英国仍是打破冷战阵营的潜在力量之一。     

16-18世纪英国宪制和宪制思想演进

英国16-18世纪宪制的演变比较曲折。内战前混合宪制已形成多年,其相应思想长期流行并影响后世。17世纪中期共和国的兴衰和分权制有名无实,给后人留下经验和教训。贵族寡头权力垄断和内阁制的形成发展,增强了18世纪英国混合制的特色。     

Calling the bluff of the Western powers in the United Nations disarmament negotiations, 1954–55

This article, based on British and American archival sources, examines the response of the Western powers (mainly the US and the UK) to the Soviet disarmament initiatives in 1954–55. We shed some light on the Western states' attitude to the UN disarmament negotiations of this period, arguing that the two sides never actually came close to a settlement, since at least the Western side was hesitant to commit to any actual measures of disarmament. This article challenges part of the Cold War historiography that has incorrectly portrayed this particular period as the most opportune time for achieving disarmament.