清代鄂尔多斯地区的垦殖活动

鄂尔多斯位于内蒙古西南部农牧业交错带上。当它被游牧民族占据时,以游牧为主要生产方式;中原王朝国力强盛,占居该地时,便转而以农耕为主要生产方式,秦、汉、唐、清等朝代便是如此。清代随着国家的安定与清后期财政支出的增加,对鄂尔多斯的垦殖从禁止到弛禁直至规模持续上升,超过以前任何朝代。本文以垦殖力度的差异将其垦殖活动分为两个时期加以考察,前一个时期自清初至光绪二十年,这一时期经历了从禁垦到驰禁的过程,开垦规模逐渐扩大,一些水利工程也开始兴修;后一个时期则是政府组织的大规模放垦阶段,各旗根据自身的自然条件均有不同程度的放垦。     

农牧交错与结构变迁:清代内蒙古地区的农业与社会

本文以结构主义方法对清代内蒙古地区农业的扩展与制度形成做了分析。分析表明 ,蒙地新制度发生的关键是集约化农业的推广 ,定居、游牧业、租佃关系、婚姻关系和行政制度等社会结构的变化 ,皆是集约化农业在一定阶段的共时性结构 ,即派生形式。新制度与源地社会结构相比较 ,体现了汉文化在传播中的刚性。另外 ,由于生态条件变异 ,一些制度出现了相对的结构转化。     

民国归化城土默特地区的地方动乱与聚落形态

清初的土默特蒙古以游牧为生,康雍乾时期则以土地放垦为契机,吸引大批汉人从山西移入。此后,蒙古、汉人逐渐定居,形成大量村落。清末以来,归化城土默特地区社会动荡,"匪患"频仍。地方政府和蒙汉民众通过修堡与并村等措施,应对时局变化。人们在采取上述举措之时,又受到特定自然环境制约。在山地,村小人稀,很难组织人力物力修建围堡。在平川,村落规模相对较大,有能力修建围堡。总之,在自然、人文等各种因素促使下,归化城土默特地区的聚落形态发生了深刻改变。     

光绪时期盛京围场捕牲定制的困境

盛京围场自清初设置后,从资源环境基础出发,制定了一套严密制度,“捕牲贡鲜”是盛京围场的主要职责。至光绪年间,因人12增加后的偷牲私砍以及逐渐展开的放垦围场,使得鹿群存活量急剧减少,捕牲制度陷入被动尴尬的困境。尽管清廷多方设法加以调整,但终致无鹿可捕,捕牲定制难以执行,围场放垦。     

晚清蒙古清丈增租下的利益博弈——以光绪年间“农安惨案”为中心

光绪年间放垦迎来全面开放时期的前夕,蒙古王公、清廷、领荒佃户三股势力之间利益博弈尤为激烈的郭尔罗斯前旗,因增夺地租的社会矛盾最终引发一场暴力武装冲突,即"农安惨案"。该惨案是晚清蒙古地方全面放垦前各涉事利益群体围绕增夺地租进行利益博弈的典型事件。农安惨案的发生清廷负有责任,此外惨案发生前民间和平请愿聚会被当地"教匪"利用,演化成对抗清廷的武装斗争也是一个重要原因。     

环境巨变、人事沧桑的县情巨著——《阳高县志》简评

阳高县位于山西东北部,呈条状葫芦形。她北跨万里长城,是中国地理环境中半湿润地区和干旱区的过渡地带,因而也是地理环境变迁中的脆弱地带。在历史上每当地理环境稍有变化,这里就会有强烈而明显的反应。本县也是种植农业与游牧业的交错地带和汉族与少数民族交错拉锯的地带。她是明代“九边”的重要关口之一。新编《阳高县志》深刻而形象     

清代以来西辽河流域人地关系的演变

本文考察了清代以来 30 0余年间西辽河流域行政格局、人口、土地利用、动植物等人地关系要素的变化 ,并得出四个主要结论 :1行政交错格局的变化使流域农业人口增加并确立了以农业为主的生产方式 ;2清代以来政府实行的移民开垦政策是流域人地关系恶化的主导因素 ;3牧民游牧生活方式的转变是流域人地关系恶化的重要因素 ;4气候和土壤条件是区域农业开发后流域人地关系加速恶化的基本因素。     

狩猎采集者的原初农业实践——一个跨文化的观察

在农业起源问题的研究上,学者们提出了很多假说,包括人口压力、气候、社会复杂化等各个方面,并且认为正是这些原因导致了人类对动植物的利用强度增大,进而促进了农业的产生。在验证这些假说时,许多学者选择使用民族志的例子来支持他们的理论,但是在选择民族志材料的过程中,多数有所侧重,经常选择那些支持他们观点的材料,而无视与自己理论有冲突的材料。正是基于这些不足,劳伦斯·基利试图将民族志材料加以统计学的分析,来全面验证农业起源的各种假说是否正确。他的分析所选择的材料主要是中美洲和近东民族志中大量狩猎采集者例子,研究中所使用的基本方法是统计学的渐进回归法。该方法是要研究能解释特定因变量的特定自变量的最佳组合。通过计算不同自变量及其组合对因变量的解释能力,作者发现纬度、降雨量和人口压力能较多解释人类对植物性食物的依赖。狩猎采集者生活在低纬度、干旱地区以及具有较高的人口压力会更倾向于依赖植物性食物。这些在解释单独变量时具有重要作用的自变量,同样在解释组合变量时具有重要作用。过去认为的社会需求对农业的出现会有重要作用,研究却表明,它无论是作为单独解释变量还是作为组合解释变量,都与原初农业实践无关,所以作者认为,社会需求理论是完全错误的。不断增加的人口压力这个变量本身仅能导致社会经济的复杂化,而不是原初农业。人口压力只是一个次要条件,但也是重要的,只有在纬度、降雨量和生态这些相对限制的条件下,人口压力才与原初农业实践有相关性。开启原初农业的人口压力远远低于导致社会复杂化的人口压力,全新世初期,环境还未发生大的变化时,人口压力已经达到了产生原初农业的下限。作者对美洲的大盆地地区具体案例的研究表明,社会复杂化或社会需求与狩猎采集者中最初的栽培没有什么联系。被栽培的物种通常是首要的或第二位的主食,而不是某种美味佳肴;用来栽培的野生作物通常很少直接与公众宴享或大型社会集会有关;低纬度或中纬度地区降雨多变且稀少,存在着中等到较高的人口压力,这样高风险的环境促进了原初农业的产生。当然,这些变量中单独的任何一个都不是充分条件,他们每个只有在某种水平上的联合才能解释最初的农业栽培。综观这项研究,作者使用的最核心的方法是统计学中的相关分析,这一概念是十九世纪由英国遗传学家高尔顿首先提出的,并在其1889年出版的《自然遗传》一书中对该思想进行了总结。相关分析虽然在描述变量间相互关联程度方面效果非常好,但在具体研究中也要了解其适用范围,需要加以注意。相关系数只表明变量之间相互影响的程度和方向,它不能说明变量之间是否具有因果关系。即使变量之间的相关系数相当大,我们也不能据此推断它们之间有因果关系,因和果之间在很多情况下是可以互相转换的。同时还要注意虚假相关的误导,它指的是变量之间实质上没有内在联系,只是存在着表象的联系。但该文在研究时,对上面提到的有关问题并没有作具体说明,而是仅根据纬度降低、降雨量减少、人口压力增加等因素与对植物利用强度的增加具有较高的相关关系,便得出结论,认为是前者导致了农业的产生。它们之间是否具有因果关系,我们认为仅进行相关分析是不够的。而且,它们之间的相关联系是内在的联系还是表象的联系,通过相关分析也是难以确知的。这项研究存在的另一个问题是民族考古学本身的局限性,民族考古学的假设前提是以今证古,但近代还存在的原始民族在漫长的历史进程中是否真的与外界隔绝,保持其原始面貌?其制度和生产生活是否发生了巨大的变化?近代民族志所记载的原始民族情况是否与一万余年前农业起源时的情况相同?基利在研究中使用的原始数据是否可靠准确,也是个问题。这些不确定因素的存在,使我们在使用民族志材料证明早期人类行为时,一定要谨慎。但总的说来,基利在这篇文中,利用民族志材料,使用统计学方法,对已有的各种有关农业起源的理论进行全面验证,并对一些过去认为正确的理论提出了挑战,这些都为我们在农业起源研究上提供了新的研究视角,有助于将这一重大学术问题的研究推向深入。     

论漠北回鹘汗国的城市兴建与半定居生活

通过考查文献资料、石刻碑铭及考古发现,我们可以看到漠北回鹘汗国建立后,随着社会的发展逐渐兴建了一批城市;与此同时,回鹘民族的居住方式也在发生变化,由原来"逐水草而居"的游牧生活向相对稳定的定居生活过渡,这种过渡在漠北时期并没有完成,而呈现出一种半游牧半定居的状态;回鹘民族从游牧到半定居生活方式的转变,是回鹘路的开通、粟特文化、唐文化、回鹘汗国商业手工业和农业的发展等多方面因素共同作用的结果;这一变化为回鹘西迁以后文化的转型奠定了基础,同时也影响了后来进入漠北地区的民族。     

清代内蒙古东部农业土地所有权的发生及其特点

清代内蒙古东部地区的农业土地所有权是在三个不同层次上发生的。第一个层次是蒙民自己从事的粗放型的农业,此时的土地所有权还没有最后形成;第二个层次是私垦过程中通过租佃“契约”形成的土地所有权;第三个层次是清末清政府在内蒙古全面放垦蒙荒的过程中,通过地方官府颁发的土地“执照”而确定的土地所有权。清代内蒙古东部的农业土地所有权的特点主要表现在两个方面：一是土地所有者收地租而不承担国家赋税;二是土地所有权的多层次性。这些都是与内地的农业土地占有形式所不同的。     

Vegetation recolonisation of abandoned agricultural terraces on Antikythera,Greece

Abstract

Antikythera is a small, relatively remote Mediterranean island, lying 35 km north-west of Crete, and its few contemporary inhabitants live mainly in the small village at the only port. However, an extensive network of terraces across the island bears witness to the past importance of farming on the island, although the intensity of use of these cultivated plots has changed according to fluctuating population levels. Most recently, the rural population and intensity of cultivation have dramatically declined. Our aim is to understand the recolonisation process of agricultural land by plants after terraces are no longer used for the cultivation of crops. The results demonstrate a relatively quick pace of vegetative recolonisation, with abandoned farm land covered by dense scrub within 20 to 60 years. The archaeological implications are that, following even relatively short periods of abandonment, the landscape would have required arduous reinvestment in the removal of scrub growth, as well as the repair and construction of stone terraces, to allow cultivation once again.     

Official land disposal policies and European settlement in southern Africa 1860–1960

Land disposal by southern African administrations to European settlers between 1860 and 1960 was pursued on a more extensive scale than in the previous two centuries. This reflected the increased ability of local governments to seize land occupied by the indigenes. African land rights received scant attention as most of the sub-continent was taken by conquest, thereby offering governments the opportunity to settle Europeans upon the land. By 1860 the local European settler communities had achieved control over their own land policies, which were framed under political pressure from the rapidly growing rural European population. Land settlement policies were, however, severely constrained by existing practices, which emphasized extensive pastoral farming to the detriment of the development of crop farming and plantation agriculture.     

The archaeological and linguistic reconstruction of African history : and (Eds), (Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1983. Pp. xi + 299. $22.50)

Land disposal by southern African administrations to European settlers between 1860 and 1960 was pursued on a more extensive scale than in the previous two centuries. This reflected the increased ability of local governments to seize land occupied by the indigenes. African land rights received scant attention as most of the sub-continent was taken by conquest, thereby offering governments the opportunity to settle Europeans upon the land. By 1860 the local European settler communities had achieved control over their own land policies, which were framed under political pressure from the rapidly growing rural European population. Land settlement policies were, however, severely constrained by existing practices, which emphasized extensive pastoral farming to the detriment of the development of crop farming and plantation agriculture.     

Wild and domesticated forms of rice (Oryza sp.) in early agriculture at Qingpu, lower Yangtze, China: evidence from phytoliths

Rice cultivation in parts of the Yangtze valley, eastern China, is thought to date to at least the early Holocene. Using phytolith analysis, sediments from an exposed profile at Qingpu in the lower Yangtze were examined in detail in order to contribute to the growing body of information relating to the history of rice agriculture in the Yangtze delta area. The presence of phytoliths from domesticated rice, Oryza sativa, indicates that rice agriculture was well developed at Qingpu by ca. 2350 BP and may have increased in intensity from ca. 2100 BP. Rice cultivation at Qingpu was comparatively late in relation to other areas in the Yangtze valley, possibly due to the seasonal intrusion of saline waters, while the cultivation of wild rice remained a prominent feature of food production in the area to at least as late as ca. 1800 BP. Results presented here support the existence of a period of overlap, during which both wild and domesticated forms of rice were cultivated, rather than a linear transition from wild to domesticated rice cultivation and the possible influence of environmental factors over farming in an area subjected to frequent flooding.     

清代黑龙江流域农耕区的形成与扩展

清代乾嘉年间 ,汉民的越界移垦及京旗回屯 ,使第二松花江中部平原出现了广大的农耕区 ,形成了西部蒙古族畜牧、东部女真族渔猎、中部农业经营为主的分布局面。清后期的大规模放垦使农耕区急剧扩展 ,至清末不仅包括了中西部广大的松嫩平原 ,而且开始向边远的三江平原及黑龙江、乌苏里江沿岸扩展 ,渔猎、畜牧地区大幅度减少。大量的汉族移民成为农业开发的决定因素 ,农耕区的形成与扩展和移民的趋向一致 ,进程同步。     

Ester Boserup's theory of agrarian change: a critical review

As discussions of the positive effect of population growth upon agricutural change have been less common than focus on the negative effects, Ester Boserup's book, "The Conditions of Agricultural Growth," and her subsequent work in which it is argued that population growth is the prime cause of agricultural change is of great importance. The objective of this essay is to review earlier attempts to relate the intensification of agriculture to population growth, to outline Boserup's theory, and to examine the criticisms which have been made of the theory. Boserup maintains that population growth is the cause rather than the result of agricultural change and that the principal change is the intensification of land use. The theory of agricultural development posed by Boserup is more subtle and complex than that of any of her predecessors. She sees population pressure as a major cause of change in land use, agricultural technology, land tenure systems, and settlement form. Boserup argues that population growth is independent of food supply and that population increase is a cause of changes in agriculture. The principal means of increasing agricultural output is intensification. Boserup's work has had a varied response from readers; other economists have been less than enthusiastic. It might seem as if the critics of Boserup's theory have left it in tatters. Her central argument, that intensification reduces labor productivity, remains unproven. There are few who would agree that an increase in the frequency of cropping is the only possible response to population pressure; the extensive margin can be extended, higher yielding crops adopted, and methods that increase yields introduced independently of increases in the frequency of cropping. Emigration or the control of numbers may relieve population pressure. Intensification can also take place without population pressure, under the stimulus of urban growth or the development of trade. It is difficult to accept that population pressure is the only cause or agrarian change or that the increased frequency of cropping is the only response to population pressure, yet the thesis is a fruitful interpretation of agrarian change. Assuming population growth as a change mechanism can lead to important new conclusions regarding the nature of agrarian change in western European history.     

清嘉道以来伯都讷围场土地资源再分配

位于吉林的伯都讷围场,在清代围场中放垦最早,也是嘉道以来清廷对所控有的围场封禁土地资源进行的第一次招民而非旗丁的开垦,是在人口增加、农耕土地资源紧缺情形下,国家不得不对所控制的土地资源重新调整、加以分配的一个特例。整个过程中,不仅显现出农耕土地资源私有化的局面,也涉及官民双方在资源分配中的利害关系。清代中国的人与自然环境系统中,对资源环境的调控是在国家权力支配下完成的,国家权力和政策是这一环境系统发生改变的主要动力。     

近代华北农村人口消长及其流动——兼论黄宗智“没有发展的增长”说

清代咸丰朝以后 ,华北四省的人口数量一直呈增长趋势 ,这一地区出现了人满为患的局面。严重的人口压力和由此产生的谋求基本生存条件的迫切需要 ,造成了华北地区人口成百万地向东北和内蒙古地区迁移。在人口压力的驱动下 ,近代华北农村技术经济作物的扩大 ,亦农亦商的普遍趋向 ,以副补农的普遍存在等 ,都可以视为农业经济发展的表征。判断明清以来中国农业有无发展 ,并不能仅仅局限于单位工作日劳动生产率的狭窄范畴。衡量农业发展的标准 ,应当包括生产力和生产关系两个方面     

The Structure of Uncultivated Wilderness: Land Use Beyond the Extensive Margin

This paper presents an agent-based model of shifting cultivation that explains patterns of land use and forest structure beyond the extensive margin of agriculture. The anthropological literature is first examined in order to specify key aspects of farming group preferences vis-a-vis food requirements. Two existing theories of shifting cultivation are then addressed to motivate the present formulation, which integrates household production theory and the concept of optimal rotation originating in the forestry literature. It is argued that the cycling of secondary vegetation by shifting cultivators represents a form of rotation analogous to the foresters' case. The model developed explains the empirical observation that individual agents use multiple rotation ages, and it does so for the nonmarket case, which is consistent with the institutional environment of many indigenous peoples and colonists. The paper concludes with an application to the problem of rural violence in Brazil and with suggestions for extending the framework to the policy arena of global change.     

Early farming in hordaland,western Norway. Problems and approaches in archaeology and pollen analysis

This article discusses the evidence of farming settlements in Neolithic times in the county of Hordaland, in western Norway, and possible ways for future research to establish the introduction of a farming economy, with its cultural and ecological implications.

Using distribution maps, Bakka demonstrates how the people of the mainly hunting and fishing sub‐Neolithic dwelling‐place culture of the Middle Neolithic period preferred a coastal area of habitation, while the find groups of Neolithic artifacts are generally to be found in those areas more suitable for farming. This change of habitat is interpreted as evidence of a general change in economic structure, with a greatly increased emphasis on agriculture.

Kaland discusses the Sub‐Boreal history of vegetation in Hordaland as revealed by pollen analysis. The earliest phase of agriculture in the pollen diagrams is dated in relation to the pollenanalytical leading horizons, the shore‐line displacement, radiocarbon measurements and the archaeological chronology. He puts forward the working hypothesis that in the sub‐Neolithic culture of the Middle Neolithic period some animal husbandry may have been practised in zone VIII b as a supplementary means of livelihood, and that this was followed by a phase of cereal growing in zone VIII c. The Late Neolithic culture appears to be responsible for this more intensive mixed farming, and this corresponds to the archaeological evidence of the introduction of cereal cultivation, which demands the better‐soils of the later farming land.