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希腊文明与古代奥林匹克运动会   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
张井梅 《世界历史》2008,(3):105-115
古代奥林匹克运动会是古希腊为祭祀宙斯神举办的全民族体育盛会,是古希腊民族精神的体现和民族团结的纽带。希腊文明的宗教信仰、民族性格、地理环境、城邦政治等因素孕育并产生了古代奥林匹克运动会,反过来,古代奥林匹克运动会又丰富和深化了人们对希腊文明的理解。  相似文献   

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本文认为 ,自希腊化时代以降 ,由于城邦民主制度的衰落和希腊化、罗马等君主国的兴起 ,批判雅典民主制度的思潮得到了发展。无论是在希腊化时代的波里比阿等人笔下 ,还是在罗马共和国末期的西塞罗或者罗马帝国时代的普鲁塔克等人的思想中 ,雅典民主更多地以混乱、刻薄、无法制的暴民政治面貌出现。西方学者今天对它的肯定不过是民主政治再度符合了他们的需要。因此 ,在传统与现实之间 ,现实的需要往往是第一位的。  相似文献   

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希腊化时代研究的历史与现状   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
陈恒 《史学理论研究》2002,2(3):110-121
所谓希腊化是指亚历山大大帝东征(公元前334-前323年)后的三个世纪里,古希腊明和小亚细亚、叙利亚、美索不达米亚、埃及以及印度的古老明相融合的一种进程。时间范围通常认为开始于公元前323年亚历山大去世到公元前30年罗马吞并最后一个希腊化国家托勒密王朝为止。  相似文献   

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希腊化时代史学按其发展大致可以分为希腊化初期、盛期和希腊-罗马时期三个阶段。初期是希腊化史学兴起阶段;盛期,由于空前的东西方文化交流使得人们的视野与认识都大大提高,加之东方君主制度的盛行,出现了所谓的“博学史学”、“考据史学”和“地方志”;到了希腊-罗马史学融合时期,整个地中海世界都处于罗马之鹰的笼罩之下,出现了真正意义上的世界史。总之,这一时期是总结的时期,而不是创造的时期。  相似文献   

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This article describes fieldwork undertaken in 1972 at the harbour of the Hellenistic city of Ptolemais at Tolmeita in Cyrenaica, Libya. This survey has shown that the city possessed a sophisticated Hellenistic harbour installation, now submerged by some 2 m. It consisted of a small fishing harbour and a larger commercial harbour protected by extensive stone breakwaters built around two offshore islands. Between the harbours, remains were found under water of an extensive block‐built quay connected to one island, where there was a system of submerged rock‐cut tanks. These are interpreted as the foundations of a fish‐processing factory. Changes in sea‐level are also discussed.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This paper examines ideas of individual freedom in the Hellenistic city-states (c. 323–31 BCE). It concentrates on the civic ideas expressed in the laws and decrees of Hellenistic cities, inscribed on stone, comparing them with Hellenistic historical and philosophical works. It places different Hellenistic approaches alongside modern liberal, neo-Roman republican and civic humanist theories of individual liberty, finding some overlaps with each of those modern approaches. The argument is that the Hellenistic Greeks developed innovative ways of combining demanding ideals of civic virtue and the common good with equally robust ideals of individual freedom and ethical choice. They did so not least by adapting and developing traditional Greek approaches close to modern civic humanism, in ways very relevant to modern debates about how to reconcile civic duty, the common good and pluralism.  相似文献   

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Food: tradition and change in Hellenistic Egypt   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
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Despite a dearth of literary and archaeological evidence for the commercial production of salted fish or fish sauces in the Aegean during the Classical and Hellenistic periods it has been argued, based on a variety of proximate data, that such production must have been common. This paper suggests those arguments are probably wrong. It argues first that the absence of archaeological evidence for regional Aegean production and trade is itself not necessarily meaningful since a similar absence exists for the Black Sea region during the Classical and Hellenistic periods when commercial production and trade is otherwise well attested; in the Black Sea the most common varieties of saltfish were produced without the use of permanent installations such as salting vats and shipped not in amphoras but in large baskets, thereby leaving little trace in the archaeological record. Evidence for regional Aegean production is also, however, largely absent from the literary and epigraphic sources where a number of key pieces of evidence have been misinterpreted. The evidence suggests instead that commercial catches even of species well suited for preservation would have been marketed fresh. This can be explained in part by the fact that in the Aegean different environmental constraints obtained. More importantly, institutional factors often would have made the commercial production and trade of salted fish and fish sauces uneconomical. Even where local conditions of glut periodically prevailed the possibility of household production may have prevented the development of commercial production on any meaningful scale.  相似文献   

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Microsamples removed from funeral figurines, which were found in two Hellenistic (third to second centuries bc ) and two Roman (first to second centuries ac ) tombs in the centre of Thessaloniki, Greece, are investigated following a multi‐analytical approach. Polarized light microscopy (PLM), X‐ray fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy, micro‐Raman spectroscopy and high‐performance liquid chromatography coupled with a diode array detector (HPLC–DAD) are employed to identify both inorganic and organic pigments. PLM is useful to reveal the combinations of the colourants, which are identified as follows. Red ochre, cinnabar, yellow ochre, Egyptian blue, carbon black, calcite, dolomite and quartz are identified using XRF and Raman spectroscopy. HPLC–DAD is used to identify the organic colourants, which are rarely detected in painted objects of the Hellenistic and Roman period. In particular, cochineal and madder are found in six samples extracted from Hellenistic figurines. This is the first study describing the unequivocal identification of cochineal in Hellenistic objects. Furthermore, madder is identified in one sample dated to the Roman period. Madder lakes detected in the samples contain high amounts of purpurin; alizarin is either not detected or detected in trace amounts.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article deals with the settlement history of Tell el-Ful from the Iron Age until the Hellenistic period. The author rejects past theories that a great fortress was built at the site in the Iron I period and that the settlement was protected by a casemate wall in the Iron IIC. He also rejects the identification of Tell el-Ful as biblical Gibeah/Gibeah of Saul. The author proposes that the tower excavated by Albright and Lapp was first constructed in the Iron IIC as an Assyrian watchtower commanding the northern approach to Jerusalem, and that it was one link in a system of such forts around the capital of Judah. The author maintains that the building served as a Hellenistic fort in a later phase and suggests the possibility, however speculative, of identifying Tell el-Ful with Pharathon, mentioned as one of the forts constructed by Bacchides in Judea in the early 2nd century BCE, and with Perath/Parah of late-monarchic times.  相似文献   

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In 196 bce , Queen Laodike III issued a decree (I.Iasos 4, I) to Iasos in Caria, Asia Minor, announcing that she was giving the Iasians a ten‐year supply of grain to alleviate their penury after her husband's conquest of their city, and she specified that the grain ought to be sold and the income used to provide dowries for the daughters of poor citizens. This and other donations were part of rebuilding efforts in the wake of military violence by Laodike's husband Antiochos III. For her beneficence, Laodike was honoured by cities with foundations of festivals, priestesses and sacred areas dedicated to preserving her cult. This reciprocity of goodwill was gendered, not only in the establishment of priestesses, but in the nature of the honours given; for example Iasos celebrated Laodike III's birthday with a procession of a maiden priestess and couples who were about to wed (I.Iasos 4, II), and the people of Teos dedicated a fountain in their city centre to Laodike and required that all brides should draw from it the water for their baths (SEG 41, 1003). Laodike's patronage and the cities’ responses to her bring to light the role of female citizens within the structures, perpetuation and ceremonial of the civic body. At the heart of honours given Laodike and her own self‐promotion was the identity of sister and mother, roles shaping her own queenship and the civic participation and power of the women she assisted.  相似文献   

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