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The real price of housing in Israel rose 132 percent from 1959 through 1988. This paper investigates the factors standing behind the temporal movement of the real price of housing. Special emphasise is given to the role of government policies that encouraged settlement in occupied territories. A static model of the housing market is formulated and estimated, which takes into account the interrelation between the housing market in Israel proper and the emerging market in the occupied territories. In addition to confirming the role of demand shifters in accounting for the increase in real housing prices, it is found that settlement in occupied territories was an important moderating factor. According to our estimates, settlement in occupied territories accounts for a moderation of 1 percent in the annual rate of price appreciation during the Labor government, and 2.4 percent during the Likud government. These figures are in line with our expectations in view of the different policies pursued by the rival governments.  相似文献   

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As a part of the architecture of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territories, the Israeli government introduced in 2005 a series of so‐called terminal checkpoints as “neutral border crossings”, to minimise the impact of these barriers on Palestinian lives through a different design and the use of several machines, such as turnstiles and metal detectors. In this article, we analyse terminal Checkpoint 300 in Bethlehem, framing it as a spatial political technology aimed at controlling the movement of Palestinians. More specifically, we investigate the interactions between Palestinian commuters, Israeli soldiers/security guards and the machines operating inside Checkpoint 300. We conclude by suggesting that Checkpoint 300 is a porous barrier whose regime is produced, reproduced but also challenged by such interactions, and that, despite the new “neutral design”, Checkpoint 300 is a place still filled with tension and violence, often exercised by the machines and their “decisions”.  相似文献   

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The first part of this paper provides some insights into the problematic nature of the genre “history of ancient Israel”, both in terms of historiography and of historical epistemology. It is argued that the concept “history of ancient Israel” is essentially valid within a particular modern theological or biblical historiographical context. As such, this history of ancient Israel may indeed progress and generate new understandings but is nonetheless seriously limited by its main concern with “biblical Israel”. It is also proposed that in order to overcome these thematic and epistemological historical limitations, a wider history of ancient Palestine or the Southern Levant should be envisioned, into which to understand the epigraphic and archaeological realia of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah, together with other contemporary polities in the region, and the later development of biblical traditions and texts. The second part of the paper addresses questions of ethnogenesis, socio-political organization and identity in the light of the previous discussion, setting the stage for an alternative history of Israel and other historical realities in ancient Palestine.  相似文献   

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Beginning in the 1850s, Christian missionary organizations established schools in Ottoman Palestine. A variety of networks developed over the years, principally those of the Anglicans and Catholics. Initially, these schools provided an education emphasizing European Christian values and subjects. Over time, however, a slow process of indigenization occurred. The first fruits of this process are illustrated by young leaders like Emil Tume and Tewfik Tubi who were prominent in the political opposition in Israel's first years of statehood. Another generation produced such notables as author Raja Shehadeh and Hanan Ashwari. In today's Israel and the Palestinian territories, the best schools, from a standpoint of matriculation, are Christian private schools that are open to all communities. Through this history, the article examines the development of a Christian school network and the political activism, involvement, and empowerment they engendered. It also provides a case study of the Rosary Sisters' school system.  相似文献   

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Rebecca Hall 《对极》2013,45(2):376-393
Abstract: The Canadian diamond industry has been lauded as a new approach to resource extraction, one whose institutions are characterized by a greater attention to Indigenous rights and the environment. However, an institutional analysis obfuscates the terrain of unequal relations that is the context for the Canadian diamond boom; an analysis of the effectiveness of social and environmental policies in relation to the extraction of diamonds in the Canadian North suggests that there is an intent on the part of those instigating this extraction (that is, the Canadian state, Canadian capitalist interests and international capitalist interests) to protect the Northern environment and to provide economic benefits to Northern Indigenous communities. This piece argues, instead, that this assumption is erroneous and that the Northern mining industry is part of Canada's project of internal colonization of Indigenous communities, a project that has intensified and expanded in the neoliberal era.  相似文献   

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