共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Priscilla Roberts 《国际历史评论》2019,41(1):231-233
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This paper uses equipment standardisation as a lens for examining power relationships and the importance of military identity in framing the development of NATO conventional capability. In the face of the Warsaw Pact's overwhelming military capacity the logic of standardisation was compelling. Standardising equipment and making military forces interoperable reduced logistics overlap, increased the tempo of operations and allowed partners to optimise manufacturing capacity. Applied carefully, standardisation would help NATO mount a successful conventional defence of Western Europe, a crucial aspect of the Alliance's flexible response strategy. In this paper, we apply Actor Network Theory to standardisation discussions thereby revealing the incoherence and volatility of NATO's collective strategic thinking and the vast networks of countervailing interests on which this is based. 相似文献
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Roberto Bartali 《Modern Italy》2013,18(3):349-369
With the removal of Khrushchev in 1964 the Soviet Union adopted—at the level of the secret service—a more aggressive policy towards western countries, with a more intensive recourse to so-called ‘covert operations’. These operations regarded even western communist parties, such as the Italian Communist Party (PCI), which were close to being viewed as ‘orthodox’ by the Soviet leadership. The so-called ‘active measures’ which resulted were realised through the infiltration of agents, the training of (usually young) extremists, and (through them) the sending of warnings to the PCI leadership about its divergence from the Soviet line. This context helps us to understand better than before three key events of the years 1968–1973: the emergence of the first terrorist groups in Italy (the Partisans Action Groups and the Red Brigades); the bombing of the electric mains line where Giangiacomo Feltrinelli lost his life; and the car crash in which Enrico Berlinguer was involved in 1973 during an official visit to Bulgaria. An analysis of the Cold War context in which Italian terrorism (and specifically the Red Brigades) developed reveals origins and patterns that are different to those usually identified in the literature. 相似文献
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Robert Knight 《国际历史评论》2013,35(2):274-303
In the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution, the British, German and Ottoman armies sought to exploit the chaos within the southern borderlands of the old Tsarist Empire. The Ottomans primarily sought to recover lands lost in the nineteenth century while for Germany, expansion into the Black Sea littoral not only broke the Allied Naval Blockade, but also offered the possibility of menacing British India via the Central Asiatic or Transcaspian Railway. Britain's involvement in Transcaucasia during the final months of the Great War has received relatively little scholarly attention, being seen as little more than a bargaining chip to be used at the Paris Peace Conference. This article suggests that the true aim of Lord Curzon's Transcaucasian policy was the incorporation of Persia into Britain's informal empire, a task that he doggedly pursued all the way down to the 1923 Lausanne Conference. 相似文献
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Patrik Winton 《Scandinavian journal of history》2013,38(4):458-479
This article explores the dynamic relationship between war finance and economic and political developments in Scandinavia during the period 1800–1830. By comparing the organization of government debt in Denmark-Norway and Sweden, it is shown that the Danish system relied on revenues from trade and consumption, while the Swedish system was heavily influenced by internal political factors such as a divided fiscal authority. The leadership in Copenhagen was committed to maintaining existing relationships with creditors even when faced with severe fiscal constraints, while the Swedish government chose partial defaults as the politically expedient option when faced with fiscal difficulties. 相似文献
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Matt Jones 《Contemporary British History》2018,32(2):253-275
This article considers responses to the Mass Observation Project’s Gulf Crisis sub-directive. It argues firstly that observers’ responses show how a potential war within Iraq in 1990/1991 was framed by fear of global conflagration and suggests that these fears were rooted in memories of the later cold war. Secondly it argues that the Gulf War was interpreted as a rapid and successful conflict, which dispelled pre-war fears of global conflagration/nuclear war, and demonstrated that the UK could be involved in large-scale modern military conflicts without risking escalation and global catastrophe. 相似文献