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1.
近代以来150年间日本外交战略经历了一个从追求军事崛起到经济崛起,以及再到政治崛起的过程,并且为此而不断调整自己的外交战略。岛国的政治文化、内部指导思想固然是决定其战略转变的主要原因,而不可忽视的是东亚的国际环境亦成为日本对外决策的重要诱因。面对21世纪,军事失败与经济成功正反两方面的历史经验证明,顺应东亚一体化的趋势,实现与亚洲各国的和解,积极、平等地推动地区合作,将是日本外交战略的现实选择。  相似文献   

2.
<正>近年来,公共外交成为我国外交的重点内容。从9·11事件开始,中国外交部开始把公共外交纳入外交事务。公共外交作为总体外交的重要组成部分,是新形势下完善我国外交布局的客观要求,是我国外交的重要开拓方向。[1]与此同时,华侨华人在公共外交中的作用也越来越受关注。目前国内学术界关注的代表性议题有以下几个方面:一是研究当前侨务公共外交的发展过程;[2]二是讨论如何具体操作侨务公共外交;[3]三为关注侨务公共外交的实际意义与理论研究。[4]  相似文献   

3.
卢沟桥事变爆发后,英国因其自身在远东实力不足,迫切希望与美国采取联合外交行动,抑制日本。美国在远东利益较少,且受国内孤立主义影响,只同意英美各自对日采取平行的外交行动。以下一组外交函电①反映了中日战争爆发初期英美不同政策、立场以及英国在中国、日本之间交涉的大致情况。  相似文献   

4.
邓显超 《攀登》2006,25(5):140-143
文化是国际竞争中备受关注的“软力量”。文化外交作为一个国家总体外交的重要组成部分越来越引起人们的重视。文化外交包括双边和多边文化交流、留学生培养、语言推广和媒体信息交流等活动。文化外交与公共外交关系密切,但又有所侧重。中国拥有悠久的对外文化交流的历史,改革开放以来,我国文化外交在配合国家整体外交,提升文化的国际影响力,宣传中国和平发展理念以及树立良好国家形象等方面发挥了重要的作用。尽管我国的文化外交仍处在一个初级阶段,对外文化交流的潜力还没有得到充分发挥,但是潜力巨大的中国文化外交必将在新世纪有着广阔的发展前景。  相似文献   

5.
管书合 《史学集刊》2007,2(1):29-37
褒世凯一生以日本为主要外交对手,对日外交的成败也与其在政坛上的兴衰沉浮息息相关。驻朝时代,褒世凯与日本全面对抗;回国后至辛亥革命前。以日为师,并采取联英美以制日俄的对策;辛亥革命时期,面对日本的步步侵略,一面抵制,一面妥协。最后以外交及个人政治生涯完全失败而告终。  相似文献   

6.
论文对中国海外利益及其政治风险这两个概念进行了界定;把海外利益按照类别分为海外安全利益、海外经济利益和海外形象利益;从国家对外资源投资、企业海外并购以及华商海外经营三方面,分析了中国海外利益面临的主要政治风险,认为在新一轮国际格局变动时期,中国海外利益面临的政治风险在加大。鉴于华侨华人是保护中国海外利益的重要依托力量,中国应拓展侨务公共外交的特殊渠道,并提出了未来侨务公共外交的努力方向。  相似文献   

7.
雷颐 《抗日战争研究》2006,6(3):111-127
1870年李鸿章任直隶总督稍后兼任“三口通商大臣”,这一特殊位置使李实际进入权力中枢,使他从“地方官”开始登上国家外交舞台,参与全国性外交战略、政策的制定。他履任不久,对日外交就提上议事日程。这是他首次直接参与、经办全国性外交活动,因此值得重视。而且,在某种程度上说,李鸿章的外交、甚至政治生涯的最大失败是最终败于对日交涉,所以对李参与的中日外交的“开端”,他的“对日观”的演变,尤需详细清理。对日本的明治维新,李鸿章一直十分推崇,并且他认为日本与中国一样同属受西方列强压迫的东亚国家,因此起初一段时间他认为可与日本“联为外援”共同抗拒西方列强的侵压。但后来在处理日本侵台的事务中,他的“对日观”渐渐发生变化,最后得出了日本将是中国“永久大患”的结论。  相似文献   

8.
美国公共外交起步早,发展快,现已形成了比较成熟的系统。美国公共外交的政策从提出、实行以及效果评估,都有专门的机构合作完成,本文只是对美国公共外交从提出到现今的发展这一期间内美国公共外交机构进行了简单地梳理,以便更清晰地了解美公共外交的整个运作流程,深入了解美国的公共外交政策。  相似文献   

9.
<正>军事外交是我国外交工作的重要组成部分,与政治外交、经济外交和文化外交相互配合、相互促进,使我国与中东国家的友好合作关系不断发展、不断加深。20世纪五六十年代中国向埃及、叙利亚、  相似文献   

10.
在旧金山体制下,日本对印度尼西亚实施的赔偿外交经历两个阶段,以最典型的方法、最具象征性的方式达成妥协,并产生了重大的影响。印度尼西亚处于冷战时期大国利益的交汇地区而成为两大阵营争夺的对象,对该地区的国际政治秩序起着举足轻重的作用。在冷战与反殖民主义、民族主义潮流相互交错的形势下,日本战争赔偿交涉直接与印尼的政治秩序变化休戚相关。日本通过赔偿外交加强与印尼的政治经济关系,充当了美国构建冷战防线的一翼,达到了经济扩张和扩大外交自主权的战略目的。  相似文献   

11.
In the past few years, foreign policy tensions between China and Australia have become especially fraught. In some cases, this political situation manifests in the very diplomatic initiatives that were funded to help ease relations. This article considers a case study of a theatrical collaboration in the context of contemporary Australia–China relations to interrogate the value of our understandings of and evaluation frameworks for public diplomacy. This article argues that theories of cultural diplomacy and assessments of initiatives need to consider the multiple and competing objectives, diverse publics and controversial receptions that may be the outcomes of cultural diplomatic initiatives. It demonstrates this complexity in relation to Australia–China relations. Taking a cultural diplomatic initiative that sought to increase positive association for Chinese culture in the Australian public as a case study, it illustrates the range of differences that can be found amongst stakeholders, and the different roles that may be ascribed to cultural diplomacy. These interests, including those of different artistic and political stakeholders, as well as differences in the publics involved, are best segmented not only according to nation but also to subculture.  相似文献   

12.
This article tracks how the US is adapting its public diplomacy architecture to suit the needs of the information age. The areas of public diplomacy used to influence foreign target audiences are media diplomacy, public information, internal broadcasting, education and cultural programs, and political action. The agencies involved are the State Department, the International Broadcasting Bureau and the National Endowment for Democracy. Key features are the use being made of the Internet as a major tool for information dissemination and interactive communication between US public diplomacy practitioners and their target publics and the 'deep coalitions' being fostered with civil society actors to shape the norms and values of the post Cold War. This strategy is described by Arquilla and Ronfeldt as 'noopolitik' as opposed to state-centred realpolitik. Noopolitik emphasises the shaping and sharing of ideas, values, norms, laws, and ethics though soft power and is recognised by its authors as being very similar to the academic school of constructivism.  相似文献   

13.
This paper critically examines the development of what is known as ‘pop-culture diplomacy’ in Japan. In the postwar era, the country’s cultural diplomacy was propelled by the necessity to soften anti-Japan perceptions, notably in Southeast Asia. In the late 1980s, the popularity of Japanese media culture in Asia began to attract the attention of policy makers, while subsequent globalized practices of soft power and nation branding gave greater emphasis to the use of media culture to internationally enhance the image of the nation, which has meant the promotion of ‘pop-culture diplomacy’ and, more broadly, ‘Cool Japan’. It is argued that pop-culture diplomacy goes no further than a one-way projection and does not seriously engage with cross-border dialogue. The Japanese case also shows that pop-culture diplomacy hinders meaningful engagement with internal cultural diversity and suggests the necessity of taking domestic implications of cultural diplomacy seriously.  相似文献   

14.
表笺是朝鲜与明清两朝所采取的主要外交工具,表笺外交成为朝鲜与明清关系的重要特征,也是朝鲜处理与宗主国关系的重要策略。但在表笺外交过程中也出现了一系列表笺问题纠纷。通过对朝鲜与明清表笺外交中表笺纠纷的考察,论文分析了表笺问题产生的原因,总结朝鲜表笺外交的成功之处和两国古代政治文化交流成果。  相似文献   

15.
This article explores the reasons for the strength and persistence of West German solidarity with Sandinista Nicaragua during the 1980s. The image of Nicaragua played a key role for activists, as it motivated commitment and identification with the revolution. Their positive perceptions were shaped by the revolutionary reforms in Nicaragua and an effective image campaign by the Sandinista government as well as by activists' political desires and their discontent with West German politics. By promoting their reform policies through a transnational communications infrastructure, by practising cultural and public diplomacy as well as by playing host to thousands of visitors, the Sandinistas encouraged supporters to identify with the revolutionary process and feel part of it at a time when many activists felt like an isolated leftist minority in the Federal Republic.  相似文献   

16.
胡文涛 《史学集刊》2007,29(1):44-49,76
冷战开始后随着美苏两大阵营的对峙加剧,美国政府通过采取创建新闻署、组建和平队、成立国际交流署等手段,逐步将文化外交融入对外宣传范畴,演变为一种冷战工具,其间政治文化和领袖的国家使命感起到关键作用。这种文化外交在为美国赢得冷战的胜利发挥重要作用的同时,也使其国际信任度和软权力下降。  相似文献   

17.
胡澎 《日本学论坛》2002,55(3):133-138
市川房枝是日本近代著名的妇女解放思想家,妇女运动的领导者,在战前和战后致力于日本妇女解放运动,但是曾因战争期间参加法西斯军国主义的战时体制,战后一度被解除公职,本文探讨的是1937年日本发动全面侵华战争时市川房枝的政治转向,即由争取妇女参政权运动转到为战时体制服务,在翼赞体制下号召和组织妇女支持侵略战争,并试图通过市川房枝为代表的妇女运动的转向,探求其转向的深层根源。  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

This article reviews the singularities of Indian doctrine and practice of cultural diplomacy, beginning with the observation that this term and the notions of ‘soft power’ and ‘public diplomacy’ commonly associated with cultural diplomacy elsewhere do not have much purchase in India, where the spirit and letter of ‘international cultural relations’ are the preferred currency. The essay explores the historical grounding for this preference, as well as the attitudes and practice that flow from it. Another singularity is the role and importance of the Indian diaspora: overseas populations of Indian origin have been both a significant segment of the target audience for international cultural relations – as if a certain idea of India had to be projected abroad to a part of itself – and a significant ‘co-producer’ in projecting that image. A third is the emergence of a new avatar of the diasporic Indian, now identified with capitalist entrepreneurship.  相似文献   

19.
This essay examines wartime Japan’s establishment of culture bureaus and its promotion of the Takarazuka Girls’ Revue in allied European nations and the United States in a moment of international crisis. This overseas cultural policy was part of a series of alternative strategies employed by the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in an effort to persuade the West to acknowledge Japan’s self‐appointed role as a leader in East Asia, capable of producing advanced cultural products on a par with those of western nations. Key features of this essay include the negotiation between state goals and private interests in the performance of cultural diplomacy, as well as the aesthetic articulation of a hybrid Japanese culture which was traditional yet fully modern, particularly as presented on stage through a display of the female body.  相似文献   

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