British Jobs for British Workers? Negotiating Work,Nation, and Globalisation through the Lindsey Oil Refinery Disputes

This paper explores the relationships between labour organising, globalisation and national identity through an engagement with the 2009 Lindsey Oil Refinery strikes. Some strikers adopted the controversial slogan ‘British Jobs for British Workers’ in response to employers' attempts to undercut existing wages and conditions with a new migrant workforce. This led to accusations of xenophobia. We make three inter‐related arguments. First, we contend that it is necessary to interrogate the spatialised power relations generated through particular forms of labour agency enacted in relation to globalising processes. Second, since these responses can be politically ambiguous, success in territorially based disputes does not always equate with broader (transnational) class agency. Third, relevant to the project of labour geography, we propose that labour scholars and activists be more attuned to the mundane ambiguities in labour agency, and the subsequent need to frame local action within a broader relational politics of global labour solidarity.     

Helping the enemy? Why transnational Jewish philanthropic foundations donate to Palestinian NGOs in Israel

ABSTRACT. This article asks why transnational Jewish donor organisations have been increasingly providing financial support to Palestinian social movements and NGOs in Israel when many of the main recipients are strong critics of the Jewish character of the state and act to promote Palestinian national claims within Israel. The article evaluates a number of plausible explanations, some generated by interest‐centric theories while others are driven by ideational underpinnings. The study concludes that the donors do not view the interests of the Jewish state and the Palestinian Arab minority in Israel (PAI) in zero‐sum terms. Having internalised liberal values of minority rights and pluralism in their countries of residence (mainly the United States), donating foundations believe that the development of the PAI is both normatively desirable and strengthens Israel as a whole because it facilitates the minority's integration into Israel's society and bolsters its civic culture, and therefore, it also contributes to the country's security. These findings are theoretically significant because they demonstrate how the interpretation of communal interest is strongly related to the normative social environment in which transnational activists operate.     

从冲突到和解:近代英美关系考察

近代是英美关系发展变迁的重要历史时期,在一个多世纪的时间里英美由战争、冲突逐步走向了接近与和解。在此过程中,国际体系及其变更、地缘政治、心理要素与文化制度的认同、新兴强国崛起和国家战略调整等诸多因素共同起到了重要的作用。作为英美历史性接近的结果,到19世纪末,英国启动了向美国“转让”世界霸权的进程。就深远影响来看,它还使美国开始更多地卷入欧洲事务和世界事务,并促成了20世纪国际关系中另一项重大事态的出现——美国世界霸权的逐步确立。     

Busman’s stomach and the embodiment of modernity

This paper examines the relationship between the gastric illness, ‘busman’s stomach’ and the Coronation bus strike of May 1937 in which 27,000 London busworkers walked out for better working conditions and a seven-and-half-hour day. It explores the way in which new patterns of somatisation, gastroenterological techniques, psychological theories and competing understandings of time worked together to create new political institutions and new forms of political action in inter-war Britain.     

United by a Common Language? Trade Union Responses in the UK and India to Call Centre Offshoring

Abstract: The offshoring of business processes from the global North to low‐cost countries of the global South has grown spectacularly in the current decade. Self‐evidently, transnational relocation presents considerable challenges for organised labour since it suggests both a ‘race to the bottom’ in respect of pay, conditions and workers' rights and wholesale redundancies in the developed economies. This paper examines the specific case of the migration of call centres from the UK to India and trade union responses in both geographies. Informed by theoretical developments, insights and evidence from diverse disciplines and literatures, the authors concur particularly with Herod's conviction that union strategies to counter TNCs should not be counterposed between ‘organising globally’ and ‘organising locally’and that ‘organising at both scales simultaneously may best serve their goals’. Following reflection upon the nature of the call centre and consideration of important contradictions in the offshoring process, we present evidence of UK union responses ranging from the nationalistic, even xenophobic, to the internationalsist, and conclude that membership mobilisation on a principled basis has been key to the limited successes unions have achieved. The paper also evaluates developments in India and the emergence of an embryonic organisation UNITES which is attempting to organise its call centre and business process outsourcing (BPO) workforce. We conclude by considering the gap between the potential and the reality of effective internationally co‐ordinated union activity.     

六十年代中日民间贸易述略

60年代 ,中日之间建立了友好贸易和备忘录贸易两条民间贸易渠道。友好贸易 ,是中方出于中日友好的诚意 ,与承认政治三原则、主张中日友好的日本企业的贸易 ;备忘录贸易 ,是中日之间以备忘录的形式发展起来的贸易。友好贸易和备忘录贸易推动了 60年代中日民间贸易的进一步发展 ,有力地促进了中日关系的早日正常化 ,在中日关系史上具有极为重要的意义     

Popular Presidents Can Affect Congressional Attention,for a Little While

Does the president have the ability to set the congressional agenda? Agenda setting is a prerequisite for influence, so this is an important element in understanding presidential–legislative relations. We focus on the State of the Union address and show that popular presidents can, indeed, cause Congress to shift attention to those topics most emphasized. The impact is tempered by divided government and time, however. No matter the state of divided government, however, popular presidents can direct congressional attention, at least for a little while. Unpopular presidents, by contrast, are irrelevant.     

Socially useful production in the defence industry: the Lucas Aerospace combine committee and the Labour government, 1974–1979

In the late 1960s, a workers’ movement at Lucas Aerospace was formed and proposed alternative products other than military production. Reacting to some 5000 redundancies in the company across its 13 sites nationally, a ‘combine’ committee of shop-stewards and workers accused the company management of lobbying for defence orders ahead of civilian manufacturing. Despite acclaim for the combine from the left-wing of the Labour Party and the disarmament movement, the 1974–1979 Labour Government did not favour the workers’ proposals and referred the combine to the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions. Behind the scenes, Labour ministers at the Department of Industry felt that the combine would upset the balance of the defence industry, which was at that time an important contributor to employment and the balance of payments, as well as Britain’s military role in the Cold War.     

Glimpses Into the Dialectics of Antebellum Landscape Nucleation in Agrarian Michigan

This paper explores the transforming antebellum (ca. 1834–60) landscape, political economy, and progressive ideologies that existed at the Shepard farmstead site (20CA104) in Battle Creek, Michigan. Through this study of agrarian capitalist transformations, a picture emerges of complex dialectic interdependencies between gender, class, progressive philosophies, and the nucleated and alienating farmscape. To explore these issues, a model of agrarian transitions is developed and compared and contrasted with primary documentary, landscape, and archaeological data. This approach allows for an analysis and interpretation of transitional dynamics that have been ignored by scholars of the historical American countryside.