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1.
ABSTRACT. This article examines complex everyday expressions and understandings of nationhood in Germany, focusing on citizens' articulations of national pride and their relationship with the nation. Through an analysis of ninety semi‐structured interviews with ‘ordinary’ Germans conducted between 2000 and 2002, we argue that the prevailing, elite‐centred approach to studying nationhood has not adequately captured the complex relationships that individuals have to the nation. We examine how individuals actively process and interpret nationhood in ways that reveal ambivalence, confusion and contradictory emotions towards the nation. Such individual variation is not neatly captured by official, elite, public or institutional presentations of the nation. We argue for further research on everyday understandings of nationhood and on ordinary people's views on national pride and national identity. 相似文献
2.
OLIVER ZIMMER 《Nations & Nationalism》2011,17(4):756-774
ABSTRACT. This article highlights two processes that shaped Swiss nationhood in the long nineteenth century. The first concerns the competition between different nation‐states and the nationalist visions these contests engendered. In a Europe dominated by the norm of the culturally and ethnically homogenous nation, the Swiss authorities, public intellectuals and various political representatives were desperate to display an image of national authenticity to the outside world. The result was a nationalism that combined voluntaristic and organic elements. In the second and main part of this article, the focus turns on citizenship; it is conceived not only as a social and legal institution, but also as a cognitive prism through which people defined their membership in the national community. Remarkably, the authority in granting national citizenship to foreign nationals remained firmly in the hands of the cantons and, above all, the Swiss municipalities. In practical terms, this meant that the Gemeinde provided the institutional and cognitive frame through which nationhood was primarily experienced, imagined and defined. While Switzerland represents a particularly strong case of a communalist polity, it should not be treated as unique. Instead, it should alert us to a potentially fertile yet little‐explored area of research: what might be called the communal embededdness of the national(ist) imagination. 相似文献
3.
ANTOINE CHOLLET 《Nations & Nationalism》2011,17(4):738-755
ABSTRACT. This article deals with Swiss nationalism and Swiss nation‐building. Its main thesis is that Switzerland cannot accurately be described as either a nation or a non‐nation but is something in between, and could thus best be characterised as a ‘fractured’ nation. Switzerland has experienced some powerful nationalist moments, from the creation of the Swiss state in 1848 to the last few decades. Yet this recurrent nationalism among the Swiss, considered alongside their more traditional reluctance to consider themselves a nation, make Switzerland a peculiar object: a ‘fractured’ nation. This flawed process of nation‐building in turn reveals some basic characteristics of all nations – inherent artificiality, and the tremendous efforts undertaken to hide it. Switzerland could be considered an unfinished, incomplete nation, and this is precisely why its study can be interesting for scholars of nations and nationalism. 相似文献
4.
STEVEN C. HUGHES 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(1):57-77
ABSTRACT. This article critiques the ‘cultural turn’ in Italian Risorgimento historiography by examining Italian Switzerland, and specifically Ticino. This area paradoxically aided and abetted Italian patriots, especially Giuseppe Mazzini, yet rejected becoming part of the Italian national project. This paradox is heightened by the fact that the vast majority of the Italian nationalist literary canon, as identified by Alberto Maria Banti, was republished in Ticino. The paradox is explained in terms of the conflict between long‐standing traditions of local autonomy and the idea of any form of uniform or centralised control, as originally represented by the Cisalpine Republic and then by both versions (Napoleonic and Piedmontese) of the Kingdom of Italy. However, I also use Banti's cultural concepts to demonstrate the creation of a powerful counter‐myth of Italian Swiss nationalism in the character of William Tell. 相似文献
5.
In the course of a major reform wave following the "new public management" as a model, Swiss parliaments at the state and local level have undergone a far-reaching change process. Most of the intellectual and preparatory work was done in specialized parliamentary committees. We found significant differences in the way parliamentary committees in Switzerland organized the specific contexts to change their governance systems, and these differences had a visible impact on the success of the reforms. Our data show that parliamentary committees' process designs were important to their functioning, especially in a change process. A constructive collaboration culture between the parliament and the cabinet was key to successful reforming of these two respective bodies. 相似文献
6.
STEIN TØNNESSON 《Nations & Nationalism》2009,15(3):375-395
ABSTRACT. This essay explores the proposition that China and Vietnam represent a fourth class route to modern nationhood, in addition to the ethnic (German), civic (French) and plural (American) routes. Nation‐states emerging along the class route are characterised by an exclusive membership based on social class rather than just ethnicity, living under the same laws or participation in liberation from foreign rule. The essay compares China's and Vietnam's class‐based nationalism with the more inclusive labour movement nationalisms of Norway and Cyprus. Then it explains how the class route differs from the French civic route. In the conclusion, the author concedes that the Chinese and Vietnamese class route is perhaps a detour rather than a route of its own, since it leads to inevitable tension between the divisive history of how the nation was formed and the need of its later leaders to include and represent the same social classes that were originally excluded. These leaders and their national storytellers are forced to undertake a redefinition of the national self as ethnic, civic and/or plural in an attempt to recreate national legitimacy, often in competition with more radically nationalist opposition groups. 相似文献
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8.
Peter G. Goheen 《The Canadian geographer》1997,41(4):350-362
Urban publics - the self-conscious interest groups that emerged to characterize much of the social and political climate of city life - claimed attention, contended for influence, and celebrated their values through performances of a wide variety of rituals in urban public space. In this paper our attention will focus on one dramatic and important episode expressing the nature of public ritual in Confederation-era Canada: the memorialization of Thomas D'Arcy McGee, assassinated in Ottawa, and buried in Montreal on Easter Monday, April 13, 1868. In paying homage to McGee, urban publics in Montreal and across the Dominion seized an almost unparalleled opportunity to bear witness to their images of themselves, in the very particular circumstance of an intensely felt moment in time. The nature of this ritual allows us to explore one significant aspect of a social geography of the city that is otherwise not easily recoverable and often forgotten: the evanescent but powerfully signifying geography of behaviour in public space. Les publics urbains - ces associations gênées qui ont émergé pour dépeindre I'essentiel du climat politique et social de la vie en ville - se faisaient remarquer, préten-daient à I'influence, et célébraient leurs valeurs à travers des performances de rites d'une grande variété dans un espace urbain public. Dans cette dissertation nous exa-minerons surtout un épisode dramatique et important qui exprime la nature du rituel public dans le Canada de I'ère de la Confédération: La commémoration de Thomas D'Arcy McGee, assassinéà Ottawa, et enterréà Montréal le 13 Avril 1868 - le lundi de Pâques. En rendant hommage à McGee, les publics urbains à Montréal et à travers la Confédération profitèrent d'une occasion sans pareil pour porter témoignage des images qu'ils se faisaient d'eux-mêmes, dans la circonstance très particulière d'un moment perçu très intensément dans le temps. Le caractère de ce rituel nous permet d'explorer un aspect important d'une géographie sociale de la ville qui, autrement, n'est pas facilement récupérable et sou-vent oubliée: La géographie éphéèere, et pourtant puis-samment significative, du comportement dans I'espace public. 相似文献
9.
This paper explores the opening of a purpose-built mosque in Copenhagen, treating it as a case of cross-cultural encounters in urban public space. The encounters explored, then, take a specific form; they are mediated through the architecture and materiality of the mosque and the symbolic signs and public imaginations attached to it. And they are connected to a specific event – the opening of the mosque. In the first part, a conceptual framework is presented bringing together literature on three notions: encounters, visibility and the event. Following this, the paper explores the opening event, the public debate that surrounds it, the process leading up to it and some reactions in the months that followed. The paper concludes by showing how the opening event expresses several paradoxes. The controversies over the visibility of Islam in public space push stereotypical imaginations and Islamophobic feelings to the extremes. At the same time, however, they bring together different groups in unprecedented ways and create new constellations over political, religious and cultural boundaries. 相似文献
10.
Brendan Gleeson 《Social & Cultural Geography》2013,14(1):19-34
This paper addresses the public realm and considers its contemporary context in an important Australian region, Western Sydney. Although problematized by social theory in recent years, my base position is the Habermasian premise that a public realm is critical to the healthy functioning of liberal democracies, such as Australia. This paper has three specific aims. First, I note the erosion of the public realm in an important Australian region, Western Sydney, and the obfuscation of its presence and role by new institutional arrangements emerging principally but not exclusively from federal policy settings. I then consider the consequences of this ‘desocialization of space’ for democracy and equity in a socially and culturally diverse urban region such as Western Sydney. Désocialiser l'espace: le déclin de la sphère publique dans le Western Sydney espace public, Western Sydney, néolibéralisme Le présent article s'intéresse à la question de la sphère publique et examine sa condition actuelle à Western Sydney, une région australienne d'une importance capitale. Bien que la théorie sociale l'a récemment remise en cause, je m'appuie sur la prémisse d'Habermas selon laquelle la sphère publique est essentielle pour le bon fonctionnement des démocraties libérales comme celle qui prévaut en Australie. Les trois principaux buts de cet article sont de faire état de l'érosion de la sphère publique dans une des plus importantes régions australiennes qu'est Western Sydney. Je souligne à quel point sa présence et son rôle sont embrouillés par de nouveaux arrangements institutionnels qui naissent surtout mais pas uniquement grâce aux instances politiques fédérales. J'aborde ensuite les conséquences qu'entraînent la «désocialisation de l'espace» pour la démocratie et l'équité dans la vaste mosaïque socioculturelle urbaine de Western Sydney. La desocialización del espacio: la disminución del terreno público en el oeste de Sydney espacio público, el oeste de Sydney, el neo-liberalismo Este papel trata el terreno público y considera su contexto contemporáneo en una región importante de Australia, el oeste de Sydney. Aunque la teoría social lo ha problematizado en recientes años, yo me baso en la premisa de Habermas de que un terreno público es esencial al buen funcionamiento de las democracias liberales, como la de Australia. Este papel tiene tres objetivos específicos. Primero, hablo de la erosión del terreno público en una región importante de Australia, el oeste de Sydney, y de la ofuscación de su presencia y de su papel, causada por nuevos arreglos institucionales que han surgido principalmente, pero no exclusivamente, de la política federal. Luego, considero las consecuencias para la democracia y la igualdad de esta ‘desocialización de espacio’ en una región urbana donde hay gran diversidad cultural y social, como el oeste de Sydney. 相似文献
11.
MICHEL HUYSSEUNE 《Nations & Nationalism》2010,16(2):354-373
ABSTRACT. While the dominant discourse of the Lega Nord, the party that proposes the independence of ‘Padania’, i.e. northern Italy, emphasises the region's economic success, contributions in the party literature on the Padanian landscape focus on the Alps. The Alps symbolise both the rootedness of the nation in tradition and ethnic identity and the intrinsic link between these traditions and modernity. They embody self‐government of mountain communities and local traditions of political autonomy, but also appear as a protective bulwark against invasions of the Padanian lowlands. The focus on the Alps, an economically peripheral territory, is symptomatic of the reluctance to represent the environmental degradation caused by development in the lowlands. Contributions on the Alps, however, also reveal the tension between modernisation and the preservation of culture and territory and the need for new development models. Discussions on the Alps thus reveal the contradictions in the party's construction of a national identity based on modernity rooted in tradition. 相似文献
12.
FERNANDO MOLINA 《Nations & Nationalism》2010,16(2):240-260
ABSTRACT. All the historical moments in which the Basque debate reached political protagonism in contemporary Spain coincided with political contexts of institutional democratisation. The debate on patriotism in the Basque Country is connected with a uniform narrative regarding the Basques and their moral distance from the Spanish nation: the ‘Basque problem’. This narrative has fostered a confrontational discourse between Spanish and Basque nationalism. It has also promoted recourse to specific stereotypical images of the Basques, which bind ethnicity to collective identity. Such representations reveal that the invention of the Basque country as a uniform ethnic collective had much more to do with the internal contradictions of Spanish national identity – and later of Basque identity – than with the existence of a secular conflict between Basques and Spaniards. The Basque case shows that every ‘ethnic conflict’ requires adequate contextualisation in order to avoid simplifying its origins and past pathways to make it conform to present uses. 相似文献
13.
Romaine Farquet 《Nations & Nationalism》2014,20(2):277-296
National ceremonies are often designated as a means of crafting or strengthening the ‘national identity’ of the participants, thanks to their potentially emotional effects. This article seeks to examine in greater detail the relationship between emotions, ‘national identity’ and performance. First, it presents evidence from the literature to demonstrate the crucial role played by emotions in the process of national identification, then highlights the conditions responsible for generating these. Second, it explores these issues by adopting an oral history approach in relation to the demonstrations organised by Albanian‐speaking migrants from Yugoslavia in Switzerland in the 1980s. This approach makes it possible to explore issues from the participants' own perspective. The marchers' narratives not only provide a taste of the demonstrations' excitement but also provide clues about the conditions that lead to the emotions they experienced. They are particularly insistent about locating the demonstrations within a much broader life picture. 相似文献
14.
Oliver Zimmer 《Nations & Nationalism》2003,9(2):173-193
This article argues that the classical distinction between civic and ethnic forms of national identity has proved too schematic to come to terms with the dynamic nature of social and political processes. This has caused difficulties particularly for those historians and social scientists studying particular national movements rather than concentrating on a handful of thinkers and intellectuals or taking a broadly comparative approach. As an alternative to the classical model, I propose to distinguish between, on the one hand, the mechanisms which social actors use as they reconstruct the boundaries of national identity at a particular point in time; and, on the other, the symbolic resources upon which they draw when they reconstruct these boundaries. 相似文献
15.
Feminist geographers and leisure scholars have long argued that one critical way to understand gendered norms and expectations is through examining women's access to and experiences of leisure activities. Set in the context of the rapid economic, political, and social changes that have taken place in Beijing over the past half century, this article draws on in-depth interviews and extensive participant observation to explore the role of newly available public leisure spaces in the lives and leisure of young women in Beijing, in particular by examining the way that these spaces provide an opportunity for the negotiation of new gender norms and identities. Through an analysis of the interaction of gender norms and practices with women's use of and behavior in public leisure spaces, we argue that women's behavior in public leisure spaces in contemporary Beijing remains strongly circumscribed by gendered norms. Rather than their presence itself constituting a challenge to gender expectations, in many cases their leisure behavior and experiences serve to reinforce the social norms that masculinize public leisure spaces. In spite of this, however, the findings of this research suggest that public leisure spaces may, in some cases, provide women with a place from which to challenge gender norms. 相似文献
16.
WILLIAM SAFRAN 《Nations & Nationalism》2008,14(1):171-190
ABSTRACT. Among the markers of ethnonational identity, language and religion have figured with equal prominence. In many cases, religion has been the bedrock of nation‐building; and even today, it is difficult to separate a number of national identities from their religious matrices. Religious identity is based on, and perpetuated in, narratives expressed in a specific language. Language and religion are related; in our secular age, however, that relationship is no longer consistent. The two may feed upon one another; language may substitute for religion; or religion may trump language. This article explores the varying relationships between language and religion. 相似文献
17.
Penny Travlou Patsy Eubanks Owens Catharine Ward Thompson Lorraine Maxwell 《Children's Geographies》2008,6(3):309-326
The purpose of this paper is to present, analyse and critique a research method, ‘place mapping’, used to document and understand teenagers' experience, use and perception of public spaces. Researchers in two case study sites, Edinburgh, Scotland, and Sacramento, CA, employed conventional street maps as a basis for eliciting and recording young people's spatial experiences. This method offers an effective mechanism for generating and structuring discussion – through dialogue – by the participants about their dynamic and shared experience of place, geographically recording places and ensuring equitable participation. 相似文献
18.
Simona Vittorini 《Nations & Nationalism》2014,20(2):297-316
There is a substantial body of literature on nation‐building that, from a variety of theoretical approaches, examines the role of symbolic constructs in the process of construction and consolidation of new nation‐states. Among these works, the dramatic and symbolic aspects of election and their function in the nation‐building project have been investigated by political scientists and anthropologists alike. However, analysis of electoral emblems as constitutive elements in the nation‐building process has been largely missing from most studies of nation‐building and official nationalism. A case study of postindependence India suggests how national belonging was also made to hinge upon on competent democratic participation of the masses in the political life of the country. Central to this process of identity work was the establishment of an independent Election Commission and of strict rules for the design, selection and allotment of election emblems. Conventional accounts have argued that these procedures were introduced primarily for the benefit of the uneducated masses who were suddenly invited to participate in India's democratic process. I argue against this simplistic interpretation. Far from being only tools for the simplification of electoral processes, India's election symbols were one of India's institutional mechanisms designed to nurture the development of a correct democratic conduct and therefore ultimately contributing to the Nehruvian national project. 相似文献
19.
《Political Theology》2013,14(3):309-318
AbstractThis article is a response to Section III of Oliver O'Donovan's The Ways of Judgment, addressing his account of the Church's "higher sociality" as the proper context for all theological reflection on politics. In particular, it explores the importance of the theme of communication, affirming many of O'Donovan's central instincts in this area though questioning his emphasis on the role of the individual believing heart as the privileged site of ecclesial transformation of the world. 相似文献
20.
I-Chang Kuo 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》2023,93(1):2-22
This article adds to research on emerging masculinities in the Pacific by analysing how Papua New Guinean and Chinese male employees' intercultural work experiences impact their perceptions of becoming a good man. The idea of a good man acts as a benchmark for assessing the adaptability of Papua New Guinean employees to new work environments and determining if Chinese colleagues are their desired partners. I illustrate this point by first considering ‘becoming’ as an alternate framework to the binary framework reflected in earlier research. I next describe how Papua New Guinean workers impress their Chinese supervisors through negotiations and concessions about industrial and subsistence farming time, as well as how working with Papua New Guinean workers alters Chinese employees' perceptions of work. Finally, I demonstrate how employment practices foster Papua New Guinean workers' evolving perspectives on becoming a gutpela man (‘good man’) and Chinese employees' evolving perspectives on becoming a good person, a vital route to becoming a chenggong man (‘successful man’). This article proposes characterizing emerging masculinities as hybrid identities that are context-dependent, interculturally exchanged and temporal by presenting two parties' new thoughts on becoming a good man. This article demonstrates modulatory power dynamics in the Chinese refinery based on a two-way narrative as opposed to portraying Chinese management as the dominating force. 相似文献