墨西哥人移民美国的历程

墨西哥移民在美国移民史上占有重要的地位,是当今美国最大的移民群体。作为一种历史现象,墨西哥人向美国较大规模的移民开始于20世纪初前后,概而观之,除20世纪30年代因大萧条而短暂中断外,墨西哥移民一直呈现出持续的高水平特征。墨西哥人移民美国的历程大致可以划分为四个阶段,与之对应的是四次移民浪潮：第一次浪潮从19世纪末20世纪初到1929年美国经济大萧条;第二次移民浪潮从1942年美墨双方签署《布拉塞洛计划55301964年该计划终结;第三次浪潮从1965年移民法颁布到20世纪80年代中期,此间大量墨西哥无证件移民流入美国;第四次浪潮从《1986年移民改革与控制法》颁布至今。墨西哥人移民美国源于一系列历史、地理、经济和社会因素,根植于美墨两国总体社会经济背景之下。     

Latino political participation in the Texas Panhandle, 1980–2010

Since the institution of the Bracero Program in 1942, Latinos (mostly Mexicans) journeyed to the United States in search of temporary manual labor. This economically driven migration continued after the termination of the Bracero Program in 1964 as Latinos from Mexico and South Texas searched for employment opportunities. The Latino population in the Texas Panhandle grew from 173,000 in 1980 to 340,000 in 2010. This new Latino population settled in counties that were predominantly Anglo and replaced some of the departing Anglos who looked for better jobs, mainly in the Dallas–Fort Worth Metroplex. This substantial shift in the ethnic composition of the region’s population resulted in a restructuring of the labor market and notable imprints to the cultural landscape. Over the years, Latinos have slowly begun to participate in city and county politics. This quantitative study investigated the impact of Latino migration and population increase on Latino political participation in the Texas Panhandle.     

The Commission Knocked Out Cold: Laura Serrano and the End of the Mexico City Prohibition of Women's Boxing in the 1990s

This article examines the conflict over the legalisation of women's boxing in Mexico City in the 1990s. In 1995, Laura Serrano's Women's International Boxing Federation world boxing title put pressure on the legal system that had banned women from professional boxing in the Mexican capital since 1946. As the visibility of women's boxing grew in Mexico, Serrano publicly fought to end the ban in her home city. The Mexico City Boxing Commission's moral arguments and medical discourses about the female body became increasingly untenable as politics of gender equality won in importance. Using a range of sources, including Mexican newspapers and magazines, government gazettes, congress proceedings, and an autobiographical text by Serrano, this article illustrates the interplay of gender ideologies and institutional structures during an important period in Mexican political history. After seven decades of uninterrupted Institutional Revolutionary Party rule, power of the Mexican capital shifted to the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) when Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas became the city's first elected governor in 1997. Although the PRD politically claimed the end of the prohibition in 1998, the shift in power cost Serrano the best paid boxing event of her career. It took another legal reform that outlawed discrimination in sports to force the Commission to finally regulate women's boxing in 1999.     

‘Dead dads’: memory narratives of war-related fatherlessness in Germany

After the Second World War, there were estimated to be around 20 million half-orphans in Europe. In Germany alone, 5.3 million soldiers killed in action left behind approximately 1.2 million widows, nearly 2.5 million half-orphans and about 100,000 complete orphans. This article examines how men and women from various social strata in western and eastern Germany remember their fathers who died in the war and in what way he has been stored in the family's collective memory. The analysis focuses on 30 life-history interviews with men and women from eastern and western Germany with various social and religious backgrounds, all of whom were born between 1935 and 1945 and had little or no memory of their fathers. The following questions are relevant: what memories did children have of their fathers, and what images of them were related by mothers and relatives? What individual, political, social and memory-cultural factors characterise a child's memory of her or his father? The article also analyses trans-generational transmissions and conflicts of how the father's past is remembered.     

First Mayan Women's Congress

In October 1997, over 200 participants attended the First Mayan Women's Congress in Mexico and called for financial assistance, capacity building, and training to help Mayan women escape poverty. The Congress was initiated by the UN Development Fund for Women in collaboration with the Small Grants Program of the UN Development Program. Traditionally, Mayan women and men have played distinct roles in society, and efforts are underway to increase gender sensitivity and achieve a new balance of power. Mayan women attending the Congress reported that they face daily challenges in gaining their husbands' approval for participation in income-generating activities outside of the home. Eventually, however, some husbands also start working in these enterprises and are learning to assume their share of domestic responsibilities. Mayan women have been forced to reevaluation their role in society by a prevailing agricultural and environmental crisis as well as a high unemployment rate. Crafts that were once produced only for household consumption are now considered for export. Because the women need funds to initiate income-generating activities, the Conference linked women's groups with development practitioners, policy-makers, and donors. The women requested financial aid for more than 30 specific projects, and Congress participants agreed to pursue innovate strategies to support the enterprises with funds, training, and technical assistance. The Congress also encouraged environmental nongovernmental organizations to include Mayan women in mainstream development activities. This successful Congress will be duplicated in other Mexican states.     

Global Horizons: Mexico,the Third World,and the Non-Aligned Movement at the Time of the 1961 Belgrade Conference

This paper analyses the autonomous streak that marked Mexico's foreign policy during the presidency of Adolfo López Mateos (1958–64). Throughout this period, Mexico showed reluctance to participate fully in the flagship Kennedy programme for Latin America, the Alliance for Progress. At the same time, the López Mateos government adopted a position of defence for Cuba's right to self-determination in spite of Washington's attempts to eradicate the Cuban Revolution from the Western Hemisphere. During López Mateos's term, Mexico tried for the first time in its history to elaborate a foreign policy with broader international outreach, an effort highlighted by the Mexican presidential trips to Latin America and Asia as well as other countries that belonged to the Non-Aligned Movement. While historiography has explored Mexico's attitude towards the Alliance for Progress and, more consistently, the country's Cuban policy, much less attention has been dedicated to López Mateos's engagement with the Non-Aligned Movement. Focusing on Mexico's failed participation at the First Conference of Heads of State of Non-Aligned Countries celebrated in Belgrade in 1961, this article aims to fill this research gap. Indeed, even if Mexico did not ultimately participate in the conference, Mexican diplomacy did show great interest in the gathering. For a country that had formally sided with the United States after the beginning of the cold war, Mexico's flirtation with the Non-Aligned Movement represented a detour from the diplomatic path it had adopted at the end of the Second World War. This work argues that Mexico's engagement with the Non-Aligned Movement presents a different dimension of the country's international strategy during the 1960s, reflecting Mexico's desire to loosen the bipolar constraints that limited its economic development and increase its leverage with Washington.     

Migrant mothers and the geographies of belonging

Much academic research on migrant mothers focuses on mothers who are separated from their children, often through their integration into global care chains, or on mothers within the context of family migration. This paper argues that co-resident migrant mothers' experiences provide an important window on the complexities of the migration experience. Using a specific case study of Ireland, and drawing from a broader longitudinal research project that focuses on recent migrants, the paper explores migrant mothers' understandings and experiences of belonging and not-belonging. We argue that structural obstacles and cultural understanding of care actively conspire to undermine migrant mothers' potential to develop place-belongingness. Interviewees' discussions of their status as full-time mothers were often framed through images of ideal motherhood, but equally highlighted how the absence of affordable childcare and family members isolates them and prevents them from creating a sense of belonging outside of the process of mothering and the home.     

Putting two and two together? Early childhood education, mothers’ employment and care service expansion in Chile and Mexico

In recent years, several middle-income countries, including Chile, Mexico and Uruguay, have increased the availability of early childhood education and care (ECEC) services. These developments have received little scholarly attention so far, resulting in the (surely unintended) impression that Latin American social policy is tied to a familialist track, when in reality national and regional trends are more varied and complex. This article looks at recent efforts to expand ECEC services in Chile and Mexico. In spite of similar concerns over low female labour force participation and child welfare, the approaches of the two countries to service expansion have differed significantly. While the Mexican programme aims to kick-start and subsidize home- and community-based care provision, with a training component for childminders, the Chilean programme emphasizes the expansion of professional ECEC services provided in public institutions. By comparing the two programmes, this article shows that differences in policy design have important implications in terms of the opportunities the programmes are able to create for women and children from low-income families, and in terms of the programmes’ impacts on gender and class inequalities. It also ventures some hypotheses about why the two countries may have chosen such different routes.     

Breaking silence: exploring motherhood and social transformation in a participatory action research with Alteñan mothers

In November 2012, a researcher, two social workers and five mothers embarked on a participatory action research (PAR) journey with the aim to develop new ideas for interventions for children and young people in street situations of the city of El Alto in Bolivia. In this article, we attend to the topic of personal and social transformation in PAR. We explore how the mothers of young people in street situations perform and negotiate their subjectivities as mothers in their everyday life; how they create (new) subjectivities in exchange and in interaction with each other during the mother project; and how the performance of their (new) subjectivities can bring social change. The mothers in our group shared stories of being silenced by social services in their everyday lives, as their motherhood is declared not good enough or as they are perceived too guilty to claim for help. It was the first time the mothers shared their stories with other mothers of their lives with their children in street situations. By noticing that they all experienced or heard of similar events that their children were subjected to in the streets, the mothers grew confident enough to talk back. Mothers talked back by denouncing injustice and by transforming doubts into questions, providing them with more knowledge. Finally, as the mothers reached out to social services, mothers’ presence, questions and stories confronted aid workers with their own flaws, and their comfortable discourse of blaming families, creating new paths towards social transformation.     

From aisling to chora: female allegories of the nation in contemporary Irish women's poetry

Contemporary Irish women poets use female tropes of Irish nationalism as a potent site for revising traditional conceptions of femininity, maternity, and cultural identity. Arguably, female tropes of aisling poetry inhabit the same cultural location that anchors the societal role of motherhood as theorised by Julia Kristeva. Kristeva's work highlights mothers' important function in regulating the drives and preparing children for entrance into the symbolic order of society, in relation to which mothers remain structurally liminal. The Platonic chora, an amorphous receptacle from which forms emerge, symbolises this position at the threshold. This essay shows that Irish women poets revise female allegories of the nation either by aligning them with women's lived experience, as Eavan Boland has done, or by re-evaluating them from within their liminality, through stylistic experimentation or irony, which the analysis of poems by Eiléan Ní Chuilleanáin, Medbh McGuckian, Nuala Ní Dhomhnaill and Rita Ann Higgins demonstrates.     

Going to a home you have never been to: the return migration of Mexican and American-Mexican children

Focusing on children's experience-driven cosmologies revealed through interviews and survey responses, this article seeks to analyse and interpret the way children explain their migration from the USA to Mexico within the context of increases in both voluntary and forced return migration of Mexicans since 2005. It draws from representative samples of students (aged 9–16) enrolled in both public and private schools in several Mexican states, which are complemented by data drawn from in-depth interviews that complicate the sociological typologies about migration, motives for migration, and returnees. The goals of this article are as follows: (a) to illuminate and value children's own narratives about their migration experiences and (b) to discuss the contribution of diverse and apparently contradictory micro-, meso-, and macro-level approaches in studying migrant children.     

‘If the miners had been Mexican…’ The Chilean mine rescue as Mexican ‘politics machine’ (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

The operation in October 2010 to rescue 33 miners trapped in the San José mine near Copiapó, Chile, which culminated in a technologically and emotionally dramatic rescue after 69 days of captivity and the expenditure of at least 10 million dollars, captured the world's attention. The story acted as a kind of ‘accidental Olympics’, evoking national sentiment and global communitas, and offering more than a billion people the chance to peek into the lives of the miners and their families. But responses to the rescue were not the same everywhere. This article examines responses in Mexico. Whereas elsewhere the story's appeal lay in its capacity to be presented as a ‘politics‐free zone’, this seemed to be less the case in Mexico. Some Mexican publics, at least, were relatively immune to the apolitical ‘inspiration’ offered by the media and enthusiastically taken up elsewhere. This is because many Mexicans see a painful contrast between circumstances in their country and those in Chile. This sense of contrast manifested itself not only in a lower degree of ‘buy‐in’ to the feel‐good aspect of the story in Mexico, but also in a surge of ill‐feeling and protest against the Mexican government, and in a telling spate of jokes that did the rounds in October and November, which were disseminated on Twitter and YouTube and reported in television and print media. The jokes followed the formula: ‘If the [Chilean] miners had been Mexican…’ and drew on strains of social and political satire with a long history in Mexico.     

Children abandoned and taken back: children, women, and families in dire straits in Lyon in the nineteenth century

Abandoning a child was no rare deed in European towns in the nineteenth century, mostly among single women in underprivileged environments. On the other hand, taking this same child back was more unusual. By analyzing the registers of the Lyon hospitals, it is possible to determine the percentage of children taken back by their mothers, how this was actually achieved, and to examine the family status of the mothers at the time of both events. Both of these acts -- abandoning a child and then taking it back -- can be put back in their context in these women's lives, for instance, by looking into the length of time separating the two procedures. To finish with, it appears that the 'Hospices civils de Lyon' encouraged mothers to take the children back and generally had a conciliatory attitude toward them, supposedly in the children's interest.     

Shaping Women: National Identity Through the Use of Language in Franco'S Spain

In my article I show how a very particular identity was created for women during the period of Franco's Spain. I will draw upon a varied range of materials from official discourses, particularly the Sección Femenina (the women's branch of Falange); the Álvarez Enciclopedia and other texts such as songs, poems and the popular press. Following Foucault (1980: 30) I analyse an identity based on oppressive discourses whose power ‘reaches into the very grain of individuals, touches their bodies and inserts itself into their actions and attitudes, their discourses, learning process and everyday life’. The nationalistic stress of this discourse is one that encourages women to create a new image of Spanish femininity that should be ‘different’ from the liberated portrayal of women coming from Europe, mainly through the path of growing tourism. The language of these discourses is somehow baroque, elaborated, energetic and highly dramatic. It tries to seek attention through an unnecessary and badly misorientated dramatism. It is cryptic and manipulative and claims to be poetical, but its main intention is to confine women indoors and to make them look at the world through the curtains or from a closed window. On the other hand it made women feel they were the representation of a unique matriarchal nationalism making them appear as the heroines of an essentialist national metaphor: women mothers of the nation. Inherent in Franco's equation of women = femininity = nation is a contradiction that defines women as ‘indoor heroines’ and bases nationalism in a naturalised representation of gender where women are a gendered representation of this nationalism.     

Working for Inclusion? Conditional Cash Transfers,Rural Women,and the Reproduction of Inequality

Throughout the global South, conditional cash transfer programmes (CCTs) are used to promote socially inclusive development. CCTs are widely evaluated for their capacity to build children's human capital. In contrast, this paper aims to hold “social inclusion” to account by elucidating the impacts of Peru's CCT “Juntos” on the poor, rural mothers who are expected to meet programme conditions. Grounded in extensive ethnographic research in households, clinics, schools, and village halls, the paper interrogates the work of social inclusion in spaces where uneven development manifests itself in privation. Considered in light of critical feminist theories of performativity and social reproduction, the findings shed light on a far less optimistic reality for the work of social inclusion. This paper contributes a rich empirical account to critical literature on cash transfers and the discourses that drive them, and suggests that the circumstances under which women are required to fulfil programme conditions challenge the substance of contemporary “inclusive” development.     

Heretics and inquisitors: The case of Auriac and Cambiac

Confessions to inquisitors in 1243–1246 revealed incidents which had troubled rural areas of Languedoc in immediately preceding years. Such was the case in two small villages, Auriac and Cambiac. Although the depositions are often wanting in detail, they do disclose the capture of some heretical women in Auriac, one group seized with the connivance of their host, also the frustration of an attempt by a captive to dispose of property she had left behind. When a heretical deacon was captured, funds to bribe the count's bailiff and his assistant were raised throughout the region. In Cambiac, a woman who intensely disliked the Cathars cooperated with a priest in foiling attempts to aid them. When she threatened to expose her neighbors' heretical sympathies she was cowed into silence but the priest's statement to the inquisitors led to a special investigation which forced several persons to retract the lies they had formerly told. Such events, not unusual at the time, disclose the turmoil and tension produced by the vigorous pursuit of heretics just before the middle of the thirteenth century.     

Handcraft as Cultural Diplomacy: The 1968 Mexico Cultural Olympics and U.S. Participation in the International Exhibition of Popular Arts

Mexican post-revolutionary cultural institutions excelled at implementing Mexican art and popular arts as key elements in cultural diplomacy. However, while there is abundant research regarding these arts and their inclusion in international exhibitions during the first part of the twentieth century, there is little research on their role in international cultural diplomacy during the second half of that century. In the first part of this article I present a historiographical appraisal of the 1968 Mexican Cultural Olympiad and the resolutions of the “First Latin American Seminar on Popular Arts and Crafts” sponsored by UNESCO in Mexico City in 1965. In the second, I examine the case of U.S. participation in the “Exposición Internacional de Artesanías Populares” (International Exhibition of Popular Arts), which was part of the 1968 Cultural Olympiad’s programme – largely neglected by the historiography of the XIX Olympics – to explain how popular arts were made to perform as agents of cultural diplomacy in Mexico and the U.S. during the Cold War. In addition, I argue that U.S. participation in this exhibition also reveals negotiations and redefinitions of the concepts of handcraft and arte popular, and the economic and social situation of their makers in the United States.     

The Europeanization of Prehispanic tradition: Bernardino de Sahagún’s transformation of Aztec priests (tlamacazque) into classical wise men (tlamatinime)

The Nahua wise men known as tlamatinime have been treated as core figures of Prehispanic indigenous culture in Mexico. Most scholars, basing their opinions heavily on the works of Bernardino de Sahagún (Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, Coloquios y doctrina cristiana, and the Florentine Codex) portraying the tlamatinime as scholars, philosophers, scribes, poets, and physicians who reflected the advanced and highly civilized nature of Prehispanic Mexico. However, in this article, I argue that in their search for indigenous intellectuals, scholars have overlooked one of Bernardino de Sahagún's pet projects: ‘taming’ or domesticating Aztec religious authorities, turning them from threatening shaman-like figures into misguided but otherwise professional teachers, thinkers, and public speakers, thereby stripping them of their religious authority.     

Mothers and Non‐Mothers: Gendering the Discourse of Education in South Asia

This essay brings together and complicates three stories within South Asian education history by gendering them. Thus modern education was actively pursued by mothers for their sons; indigenous education should be understood as continuing at home; and women were crucial actors in men's reform and nationalism efforts through both collaboration and resistance. Gendered history should go beyond the separate story of girls and women, or the understanding of women as mothers and mothers as the nation, to see these three processes as gendered. The paper argues for the coming together of historical and anthropological arguments and for using literature imaginatively.     

The Indonesian Family Planning Programme: A Success Story for Women?

The Family Planning Programme of Indonesia is constantly being hailed as a success story for its performance in reducing fertility rates in many parts of the country. This paper examines what this apparent success has meant for women, taking women's rights to the control of their fertility as the necessary aim for all family planning programmes, and the safeguarding of their reproductive health as an obligation. In the paper, the aims and methods of the Family Planning Programme are examined separately, in order to assess on the one hand the extent and the manner in which women's interests are acknowledged in its objectives, and, on the other, whether in its implementation the programme takes into account the needs of women, both as recipients and as family planning workers. The main conclusion of the paper is that the priorities, style of implementation and service delivery of the programme do not provide women with the means of regulating their fertility autonomously through access to freely chosen contraceptives and related services. In addition, the paper concludes that the safeguard and improvement of women's reproductive health is not among the concerns of the programme, in principle or in practice.