从质疑秩序到质疑文化

正如英国社会学者吉登斯(Anthony Giddens)所断言的,在20世纪晚期的一个崭新的世界中,“我们找到了我们自己”,而对这个新世界特性的分析,便成为社会学的首要任务(Giddens 1985：33)。而在吉登斯的     

From dialogue to polylogue: Exploring the Israeli and Palestinian past in the present

Resumen Este artículo trata sobre un proyecto centrado en el pasado contencioso en Israel y Palestina. Frente a un escenario de incesantes conflictos, los participantes árabes y los judíos descubrieron sus compromisos mutuos, con distintos puntos de vista, en las comunidades en las que trabajaron. Partiendo de esta base común los participantes exploraron las áreas en las que coinciden o discrepan. No obstante, el espíritu predominante del proyecto era el de la colaboración. Un ejemplo de ese espíritu fue el éxito del esfuerzo de los participantes del proyecto por proteger un antiguo asentamiento que iba a ser destruido por la construcción de un muro de seguridad, a través del West Bank, por Israel.

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Résumé Cet article traite d'un projet au sujet du passé de discorde entre l'lsra?l et la Palestine. Avec pour arrière-plan un conflit incessant, les participants arabes et juifs ont découvert qu'ils étaient mutuellement impliqués dans les communautés dans lesquelles ils travaillaient. Dans le context de ce point commun, les participants on exploré les zones d'accord et de désaccord. La mentalité prédominante dans ce projet a été une de coopération. Le symbole de cet esprit de coopération a été le succès de l'effort des participants du projet pour sauver un ancien établissement menacé de destruction certaine lors de la construction du mur de sécurité par l'lsra?l à travers la West Bank.

     

由“周孔”而“孔孟”:儒家话语体系建构中的“圣人之道”

在中国学术思想史上,"孔孟"取"周孔"而代之,"周孔之道"演化为"孔孟之道",是儒家基于特定历史语境建构话语体系的产物。随着周、孔形象渐趋圣化,汉唐时人多以周、孔并举,包含政治教化与人伦道德两方面内涵的"周孔之道"得以生成。继韩愈"道统论"之后,宋儒建构"性与天道"理论和道统谱系,"孔孟之道"逐渐成为儒学的代名词。统治者藉由教育、祭祀等参与此过程,也彰显出道统与治统的复杂关联。     

Exploring Regional Domains: A Comparative History of Regionalism

This article offers an overview of the history and development of regionalism with a view to providing a framework for thinking about its progress and prospects in different parts of the world. After a preliminary discussion of the problems encountered in defining regions and regionalism, the article moves to a historical and comparative analysis, ranging widely to include examples from many different regions. It argues that regionalism should be understood as an evolutionary and cumulative process, which has grown and expanded to take in new tasks and new domains. It has become an increasingly important component of the different structures of global governance, and one whose potential neither states, multilateral institutions, nor non-state actors can afford to ignore.     

From Democratization to Securitization: Post‐Arab Spring Political Order in the Middle East

This article examines the question: why and how the wave of democratization in the Middle East has receded, giving way to the prioritization of security in the post‐Arab Spring by conducting analyses at three levels: societal, state, and international. By applying the main concepts and theories found in the literature on democratization and securitization and by analyzing the Bertelsmann Stiftung's Democracy Status Index, the Arab Barometers Survey, and the Arab Opinion Survey, the article concludes that: at the societal level, the tragic unfolding of events after the Arab Spring prohibits the public from pushing a reform agenda; at the state level, the post‐Arab political environment raises doubts among the ruling elite about how far political reforms should be extended; and at the international level, with the rise of new security threats, international pressure on Middle East countries to democratize has been restrained, giving way to security cooperation as the top priority.     

弘扬孝道是促进社会和谐的核心

近年来,全国各地都在开展以学习中华传统文化为主要内容的人民自我教育的活动。进行爱国主义教育、八荣八耻教育、伦理道德教育、孝亲敬老教育、感恩党和国家的教育、     

续志应全方位、多视角反映法制建设

以往出版的新方志 ,均属贯通古今之巨著 ,而对于法制建设的记述甚少。续志则处于当代社会转型时期 ,法制建设当属其中一个重要方面 ,必须在全书的概述和有关编章中全方位、多视角地加强法制建设内容的记述     

Man Also Key to Construction of the Sky Way

On October 15,2005, the newly-built thasa Rajiway Station, facing the magnificent Potala Palace from a distance, was decorated with fresh flowers and colored flags. Efforts are being made to prepare for the trial-operation of the Qinghair Tibet Railway in July 2006. This success reminds us of a man who contributes so much for the success of the “sky way“.     

Man Also Key to Construction of the Sky Way

On October 15,2005, the newly-built thasa Rajiway Station, facing the magnificent Potala Palace from a distance, was decorated with fresh flowers and colored flags. Efforts are being made to prepare for the trial-operation of the Qinghair Tibet Railway in July 2006. This success reminds us of a man who contributes so much for the success of the "sky way".     

Regionalism in Central Asia: New Geopolitics, Old Regional Order

Behind the rhetoric of regional cooperation, the Central Asian states have been embroiled with increasing frequency in conflicts among themselves, including trade wars, border disputes and disagreements over the management and use of water and energy resources. Far from engendering a new regional order in Central Asia, the events of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent basing of US troops in the region have served to entrench pre-existing patterns of regional cooperation, while highlighting the obstacles that have beset the regionalization process there since the mid-1990s. While all five Central Asian states have been attempting to use the renewed rivalry between Russia and the United States, which is being played out in the Central Asian region, to maximize their strategic and economic benefits, the formation of the United States–Uzbekistan strategic partnership has increased the resolve of the other Central Asian states (Turkmenistan excepted) to balance Uzbekistan's preponderance by enthusiastically pursuing regional projects involving Russia and, to a lesser extent, China. This regional dynamic has resulted in the steady gravitation of the centre of regionalism in Central Asia to the north from a nominal Tashkent–Astana axis to a more stable Astana–Moscow one, with possible repercussions for the poorer states of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. The article examines the major constraints on regionalism in Central Asia, considering in particular the ways in which the personalist, non-democratic regimes of Central Asia have obstructed state–centric 'top–down' regionalism as well as informal regionalist processes 'from below'.     

From Cohesion to Territorial Policy Integration (TPI): Exploring the Governance Challenges in the European Union

The European Union (EU) is searching for new approaches to manage problems that span different policy sectors. In the regional policy field, incompatibilities between the EU's territorial development objectives and its transport, agricultural, competition and environmental policies, are well known. The need to integrate territorial policy concerns into these sectoral policies (territorial policy integration or “TPI”) has recently emerged as a key policy priority. This article examines the EU's capacity to implement TPI. It does so in relation to two member states (Germany and the Netherlands) and the European Commission. It finds that the administrative implications of implementing TPI are far more demanding than any of these actors are currently able to handle. Moreover, some EU-level networks are potentially relevant to TPI, but these are mostly focused on regional policy matters (i.e. they are relatively inward looking). If these administrative issues are not taken more seriously, “integration” will struggle to make headway in an EU which is notoriously sectorized.     

From Ancient to Modern Urbanization: Intermediary Function of an Urban Society

A number of traits identify an urban society from a village. In the 1950s, V.G. Childe identified ten traits for an urban society, including permanent settlement in dense aggregations, centralization of surplus, monumental public buildings, social stratification, a ruling class, systems of recording and administration, exact and predictive sciences regulating the cycle of agriculture operation, conceptualized and sophisticated styles of art, long-distance trade and importing raw materials, and a social organization based upon residence rather than kinship. Although he identified these traits for ancient urban society, these also can be applied in modern times. The most important function of an urban society especially in southeast Iran is its intermediary function. This function can be seen both in ancient and modern times. The present paper aims to identify both urban societies in ancient and modern times, and to explain intermediary function of these societies, including Shahr-i-Sokhta during the third millennium BCE and Zahedan in modern time. In fact, this function may have caused the emergence and development of these urban societies during two different periods. It is also postulated that the decline of this function may have caused the collapse of both societies.     

建设适应社会主义和谐社会要求的核心价值体系

中共十六届四中全会通过的《中共中央关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》指出,“党要带领人民推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业,必须大力发展社会主义文化,不断巩固全党全国人民共同奋斗的共同思想基础”(《十六大以来重要文献选编》中,中央文献出版社2006年版,第282页)。共同的思想基础是构建社会主义和谐社会的一个重要前提,也是其中的一项重要     

从移民到选民：1965年以来美国华人社会的发展变化

196 5年是美国华人发展历史的分水岭。美国政府于该年修改移民法 ,承认种族移民机会平等。此后华人移民源源不断涌入美国 ,成为美国增长速度最快的移民群体。随着华人社会规模迅速扩大以及经济和专业实力的激增 ,美国华人开始积极参选参政 ,争取与其社会地位相当的政治权利。从移民到选民 ,是美国华人落地生根、茁壮成长的过程。假以时日 ,随着华人移民数量进一步激增 ,华人选民的政治影响力将有望接近美国犹太裔选民。     

从无序到有序：群体性事件与公民政治参与问题研究

近年来,作为无序政治参与表现的群体性事件在我国呈现出频发的趋势,要求我们不断思考公民有序政治参与的制度创新及其有效性问题。文章对群体性事件中公民无序政治参与的基本形式、产生原因进行了客观的分析,从坚持基本原则、健全制度建设、培育公民社会及提升公民能力素质四个方面探讨了促进公民无序政治参与向有序政治参与转变的可行性路径。     

经营地方:明清之际的济宁士绅社会

尽管中国传统士绅的正式身份通常由国家法定,明清时代深刻变动着的社会环境却助长了士绅的非国家规定性。其中,明中期以来新社会经济环境里的多种资源滋养了以地方为取向的济宁士绅社会。在日常生活里,如同他们的江南同侪,晚明济宁士绅充分利用自己的文化、教育、道德和财富优势,塑造当地特有的文化景观、人文氛围和地方认同,并建立主导地方社会关系的文化和政治霸权,从而与国家发生既冲突又合作的错综复杂关系。明清王朝更迭之际急剧变幻、动荡的环境为士绅提供了把他们的多重角色发挥到极致的舞台;士绅大起大落的境遇和困惑显露了其处在帝国政治体系和社会结构之中的历史性格。     

A Tale of Three Variables: Exploring the Impact of Alternative Measures of Presidential Approval On Congressional Voting

This study explores the impact of three distinct measures of public approval on congressional voting. Specifically, we test for the relative impact of a president's national approval, his partisan approval, and his district- (or state-) level approval on congressional support, measured at the level of individual members of Congress. Though we remain consistent with other arguments that hold presidential approval is likely to act as a background variable rather than a determinant of congressional voting, we maintain that theoretically more meaningful relationships between public opinion and congressional voting can be developed. Specifically, we argue that a more relevant test can be made which includes opinion measured closest to where that opinion is likely to matter to members, namely among electoral copartisans and district-level constituencies. We estimate various models (bivariate and integrated multivariate), and find strong support for our hypotheses that, to the extent members of Congress use public approval as a voting cue, they do in fact pay far more attention to partisan and constituency interests than they do to national opinion.