六十年来中国周边外交政策及其时代特征

受历史与地缘政治的影响,中国是世界上面临最复杂的周边形势的国家之一。从冷战时期强调意识形态与领土安全、奉行结盟到新时期提倡独立自主与不结盟的原则。从冷战时期的阶级斗争与阵营对抗思维到冷战后追求经济安全,倡导合作机制,提倡互惠、互利,建立和谐世界的理念。新中国成立六十年来中国的周边外交根据时势不断深化发展,打上了鲜明的时代烙印。     

六十年来中国周边外交政策及其时代特征

受历史与地缘政治的影响,中国是世界上面临最复杂的周边形势的国家之一。从冷战时期强调意识形态与领土安全、奉行结盟到新时期提倡独立自主与不结盟的原则。从冷战时期的阶级斗争与阵营对抗思维到冷战后追求经济安全,倡导合作机制,提倡互惠、互利,建立和谐世界的理念。新中国成立六十年来中国的周边外交根据时势不断深化发展,打上了鲜明的时代烙印。     

中国与海湾国家关系的历史变迁

正中国与海湾地区国家关系的发展深受国际体系、地区格局的影响,同时也与自身外交战略的调整密不可分。在冷战时期,中国与海湾国家的关系深受冷战体制的影响,海湾政策主要取决于中国与美苏两个超级大国的关系,海湾地区格局变化和中国自身的战略调整对中国的海湾政策也有一定的影响。20世纪50~60年代,中国与1958年革命后的伊拉克建立了外交关系;70年代,开     

美国学术界关于肯尼迪、约翰逊政府对华政策研究综述

20世纪60年代美国对华政策研究是冷战国际史研究中的一个重要课题。这不仅是因为中国和美国在东西方冷战的国际背景下在朝鲜半岛、在台湾海峡、在印支半岛都发生了激烈对抗乃至相当规模和程度的武装冲突,成为两大阵营对抗中的重要内容,而且还因为中美两国在经过长达1／4个世纪的敌视和对立之后,于60年代末70年代初期相应作出了缓和双边关系的战略抉择,直接导致了国际力     

90年代日本的安全战略与亚太关系

９０年代日本的安全战略与亚太关系徐世刚王强９０年代以来,日本政府为了适应冷战体制结束后的世界政治、军事安全形势的新变化和日本国家战略的需要,对其军事安全战略进行了重大调整。日本军事安全战略的一系列调整已引起了世界和亚洲各国的严重关注。本文拟就日本调整...     

多国解密档案与冷战时期国际关系史的研究:以中国和印度的关系为例

<正>近年来学界在冷战时期国际关系史研究领域所取得的进展和成就,同自20世纪80年代以来各国解密的大量档案文献以及研究者对这些档案的整理和利用是密不可分的。冷战时期中国和印度关系的研究,极典型地诠释了多国解密档案对学术创新的至关重要的作用和意义。通过系统整理中国、印度、英国、俄罗斯、美国等国新近解密的档案文献,并基于这些档案的解读和运用,探讨冷战时期中国和印度关系的发展演进,特别是中印两国围绕西藏问题所展开的交涉和斗争,以及中印边界问题的     

冷战中的中国与周边关系国际学术研讨会综述

冷战史是后冷战时期受到中国及国际学术界高度重视的研究领域。 2 0 0 2年 8月 6日至 8日 ,北京大学现代史料中心、华东师范大学国际冷战史研究中心及北京东城东方历史学会主办的冷战中的中国与周边关系国际学术研讨会在福建省武夷山市举行。来自中国、美国、日本、韩国的与会学者 ,围绕着冷战时期中国与周边国家关系的主题 ,进行了富有成果的学术交流。冷战时期中国与周边国家关系的历史回顾　　冷战时期中国与周边国家关系的演变和基本特点 ,同第二次世界大战对东亚的影响密不可分。张振江 (中山大学历史系 )的《美国与中苏关系 :以雅尔塔…     

20世纪六七十年代中国战备指导思想浅析

新中国成立后一直面临着帝国主义的封锁、包围和战争威胁,从20世纪60年代初开始,随着国际形势发生变化,我国周边安全环境日益恶化。进入60年代中期,蒋介石集团在东南沿海不断进行窜扰活动;印度与我国依然处于对峙状态;美国不断扩     

20世纪六七十年代中国战备的回顾与思考

从20世纪60年代初起,国际形势发生了新的变化,大国关系重新调整,中国周边安全环境日趋恶化,国家安全面临严重威胁。为了抵御侵略,中国采取了一系列重要的战备措施:针对脆弱的战争支持系统,集中力量进行三线建设,建立起了国防战略大后方,战略物资储备初具规模;根据反侵略作战的需要,完善了国防工程体系的建设:初步建成了比较完善的国防交通体系、全国通信网络和后勤保障体系;国防尖端武器研制取得重大突破,常     

冷战时期日本与东南亚国家关系的探索

第二次世界大战结束后,东西方随之进入政治与军事全面对峙的冷战时代.五六十年代的亚洲形势远比欧洲错综复杂.东亚和东南亚成为冷战时期大国利益的交汇地区.日本与东南亚在战后冷战的国际社会中占有重要位置.日本与东南亚国家的重新交往,始于战后初期日本对东南亚国家的经济赔偿.这种赔偿具有双重性质:一方面,它利用东南亚国家在战后初期一段时间内的困难处境迫使它们开放市场,以便进行经济扩张;另一方面,追随美国的冷战政策.整个冷战时期,日本依靠美国的安全保障致力于经济活动,是冷战的最大受益者.     

The rise of Nordic defence cooperation: a return to regionalism?

During the Cold War, Nordic cooperation blossomed and the region's identity was strong, yet defence was left outside the Nordic framework. After the end of the Cold War, Nordic cooperation waned and it was largely replaced by cooperation within the framework of the European Union. During the past couple of years, however, Nordic defence cooperation has been boosted by a number of initiatives and common projects. This article analyses this recent rise of Nordic defence cooperation. In terms of theory, it revolves around the question of how material and identity factors explain security cooperation in today's Europe. During the Cold War, identity was an easy explanation for societal cooperation between the Nordic countries, but geostrategic factors and national interests based on them determined (the lack of) defence cooperation. Even today, Nordic defence cooperation is justified more by cost‐efficiency and geographical proximity than by common identity. This article argues that Nordic identity nevertheless plays an important role in motivating defence cooperation. It is not driven by pure cost‐efficiency or strategic calculation. The role of identity needs to be understood, however, not as a kind of independent force but as part of the political process. Nordic identity explains the rise of the region's defence cooperation in two ways: it facilitates informal cooperation between defence officials at various levels; and it is easy to sell international defence cooperation politically to domestic audiences if it is done in the Nordic context. Yet Nordic cooperation is not seen as contradicting European or NATO cooperation.     

NATO and the anticipatory use of force

Only since the end of the Cold War, and particularly since September 2001, have questions of anticipatory action arisen in alliance deliberations concerning the use of force. In initiating their Balkan operations, it should be recalled, the allies did not face direct threats, but intervened toterminate conflicts and human rights abuses and to shape their security environment. It has been difficult for the alliance to get to grips with the new security challenges presented by terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction because of its history, its intrinsic character, and the nature of the new security challenges. Its history includes a strictly reactive posture during the Cold War and its interventions from a position of overwhelming superiority in the Balkan conflicts. The new security challenges place under stress the alliance's intrinsic character as a permanent coalition of sovereign independent states committed to collective defence because these challenges may endanger specific allies to differing degrees (in contrast with the overarching Soviet threat during the Cold War) and revealdiff erences in interests, capabilities and strategic cultures among the allies. The allies have not yet resolved questions concerning the legality and legitimacy of the antici patory use of force, nor have they fully explored the implications of concepts such as ‘constructive abstention’ and ‘NATO in support’ with regard to preemptive or preventive operations undertaken by a group of allies.     

World on fire: the politics of napalm in the Global Cold War

This essay discusses the ways in which napalm contributed to the militarisation of global landscapes during the 1960s and 1970s, shaped distinctly by the interrelated geopolitical dynamics of the Cold War, decolonisation, and the rise of global public opinion against napalm and other weapons of terror. Using case studies and primary documents from British Archives, I argue that napalm played a significant role in shaping multiple military landscapes during this period, not just in terms of its direct effects on people, places, and the natural environment, but as a result of the moral, cultural, and political consequences of those effects.     

Cold War heritage and the planned community: Woomera Village in outback Australia

The heritage of the Cold War is attracting increasing international interest. Much of that revolves around technological legacies; less attention has been paid to the community infrastructure which supported defence research, weapons testing and military installations. Security and operational logistics meant that research and development was conducted not only in restricted settings but also in often geographically remote situations. An archetypal example is the Woomera Rocket Range in outback South Australia, where long-range weapons were trialled from 1947 under a joint project between the British and Australian governments. Woomera Village, established as a planned residential facility to support personnel employed on the Range, survives today in a similar role, but with a population greatly diminished from its late-1960s heyday. This paper introduces the Village against the backdrop of Cold War heritage and spatial planning ideology, surveys its raison d’être and growth as a Cold War town, and considers its modern-day status as a heritage place and sustainable community.     

The Neo-colonialism of Decolonisation: Katangan Secession and the Bringing of the Cold War to the Congo

The link between the Cold War and decolonisation is tackled by using the uniqueness of the complex Congo crisis and its neo-colonial elements, with a focus on agents and specific policies rather than theories and general themes. The ‘real’ Cold War is essentially defined as that followed by Kennedy, with its priority in the early 1960s, among the Cold War’s many different constituent elements, taken to be the winning of newly independent African nations to the socio-economic values and hoped-for developmental benefits of Western capitalism. The importance of using soft power to defeat the ideology of communism, as opposed to containing the allegedly expansionist Soviet aims in Africa, is highlighted. Clear distinctions are made between the Kennedy administration and those of Eisenhower and Johnson. Interpretations of decolonisation using the Congo’s particular neo-colonial circumstances have been rare, and interpretations of decolonisation in the Congo also require some qualification. In particular the role of the colonial state and its ‘partnership’ with private European enterprises, established under King Leopold, had economic consequences for the Belgian decolonisation process. The importance of the role of financial capital, as opposed to business interests simply represented through trade and industry, is emphasised. The role of the UN and its secretary general is also highlighted but not by using inaccurate perceptions of Hammarskjöld’s neutral Cold War stance. The different positions taken by the Belgians, the British and the Americans, embodying conflict and cooperation in different forms, are analysed at different times with the important consequences of the Belgian refusal to comply with UN Security Council Resolutions highlighted. The need to limit the damage from that and from the neo-colonialism of secession is analysed. Exaggerating the causal consequences of Soviet actions and accusing Lumumba, despite evidence to the contrary, of being a communist or vehicle for Soviet influence was what brought the Cold War to the Congo. The British refusal to do more than decline to support openly the neo-colonialism in Katanga, particularly by supporting action likely to end secession, threatened to damage relations with the US. Such action, which could have led to more military action, would have contributed to the success of US policy in the ‘real’ Cold War but at the expense of those British investors who were the main financial backers of the Conservative party.     

影响中罗关系曲折发展的若干因素

20世纪60年代,原本平稳发展的中罗关系出现了飞跃。促成并制约这一时期中罗关系发展的最主要原因是苏联对两国的影响,罗马尼亚领导人把中苏和罗苏两个双边关系变成了一个中一苏一罗大三角关系。此外,冷战的国际背景及由此产生的双方在意识形态上的认同与分歧,是另一个重要因素。上述因素在不同时期、不同情况下此消彼长,使中罗关系的进程呈现出缓与急、冷与暖的交替。     

论新中国周边外交政策的历史演变

中华人民共和国的周边外交历来在其整个外交战略中占有极为重要的地位。中国的国家安全、政治稳定、经济发展乃至国际地位的改善都需要一个和平的、发展的、稳定的周边环境 ,这是中国历届政府力图实现的基本外交目标。大体来讲 ,中国的周边外交政策受到国际格局变迁、中国对外战略调整以及周边环境变化的影响与制约 ,这同时也和中国决策者的主观认识和世界战略思想发展变化有关 ,大致以 1 0年为期呈现阶段性的变化。本文主要探讨了 50年来中国周边外交政策的阶段变化 ,剖析其基本内容 ,总结其经验教训。     

中国对联合国维持和平行动的认知和参与

中国参与联合国维和行动经过了一个复杂的历史演进过程,大致可分为新中国成立后至改革开放前的原则否定、概不参与,改革开放后至冷战结束前的区另I对待、有限参与,冷战结束至今的积极支持、扩大参与三个阶段。中国对联合国维和行动政策的调整与国际环境和中国国内政治的变化是相对应的,它从一个方面反映了中国国际地位的提高、中国世界观念的变革和中国外交行为方式的转型。中国参与联合国维和行动的历史演进过程表明,中国维护世界和平的大国责任意识日益彰显。     

Makarios cultural diplomacy legacy in the republic of Cyprus

ABSTRACT

The article explores the cultural diplomacy initiatives undertaken by the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) during Makarios presidency (1960–1977) in order to strengthen the state acknowledgement and visibility in the international scenery and promote a nation brand focused mainly on the Hellenocentric aspect of the Greek-Cypriots’ cultural identity. Cyprus, a recently independent state (1960), shaped its cultural diplomacy practices according to the political developments; on the escalation of bi-communal conflicts internally and the international insecurity provoked by the Cold War rhetoric. This paper aims to map certain state cultural initiatives in an attempt to make connections between the internal identity-building process and the external projection of cultural identity and gain a better understanding about how a small-sized state can pursue and project a nation brand abroad by practicing the diplomacy of culture.     

Border crossings and the remaking of Latin American Cold War Studies

This essay reviews the burgeoning literature on Latin America’s distinctive variant of the Cold War since about 2000. First, it examines a watershed of recent collaborations between Latin American area specialists and foreign relations scholars, which has dramatically transformed Latin American Cold War Studies. Then, it focuses on two of the more fertile veins in that scholarship: first, the notion that the region’s Cold War should be placed in a broader historical context, which scholars are increasingly referring to as Latin America’s “long Cold War,” and second, the long Cold War’s multivalent cultural dimension. If study of the Latin American Cold War has become something of a growth industry in the last 15 years, its leading edge may well be efforts to tease out the complex, power-laden cultural processes, relationships, exchanges, and institutional forms that antedated and shaped Latin America’s Cold War proper (c. 1947 to the early 1990s), and had consequences beyond the conflict’s denouement.