中国历代移民大势及其对汉语方言地理的影晌

本文通过分析中国历史上汉民族迁徙的大势及其与方言发展演化的关系,论述了历代移民及其对汉语方言地理的影响。首先,从先周时代到西晋末年几次重要的南向移民行动产生了南方各方言的最初渊源;其次,西晋末年以后由北面的三次汉族人民迁移决定了汉语方言地理的基本格局;第三,元代以后的东西向移民以及清代以来对东北和台湾的移民对汉语方言地理作了重要的补充。     

福建方言的分区

七个主要方言区的分布 福建诸方言的分布．一是和历史上的行政区划有关：一是与江河的流域有关。唐宋期间这些方言形成后．福建境内的行政区划比较稳定．现有的方言分区和唐宋的州、军,明清以来的府、道大体是相应的。又因为在丘陵地带．人们的聚落总是沿江河分布的．现有的方言分区又和省内几条主要江河的流域大体相当。     

方言与民歌刍议

同是“感于哀乐,有感而发”①的民歌,因地域的不同,往往表现出不同的风格特征。如陕北民歌《走绛州》,其粗犷豪放,恰似西北汉子;而江苏民歌《茉莉花》,清醇委婉,犹如浣纱女子;两相比较,地方特色甚是鲜明。并且这种情况由来已久,试比较下面两首古代民歌：     

续修方言志刍议

本文回顾了我国在方言调查研究领域所进行的工作,总结了首轮方言志在语言学等众多学科中产生的意义及影响。文章指出我国方言的复杂性,提出第二轮修志记述方言的必要性以及需要采取的措施。     

梅县境内方言语音的异同

一、关于“梅县话”的概念 语言学界把“梅县话”作为客家方言的代表,一般认为,梅县话就是行政区域梅县境内所有地方的话,即认为梅县境内所有乡镇的话没有差别,或认为只有松口话才有某些简单的差别。事实并非如此。这里有两点必须明确：一是行政区划意义上的“梅县”,应包括现有的梅江区（梅城及周边乡镇）,共28个乡镇。从方言系统的特点（主要是语音特点）看,这28个乡镇可以分划为四个片：1．梅城片,包括梅城（梅州市、梅江区政府所在地）、程江（现梅县政府所在地）、城北、大坪、城东、石扇、西阳、白宫、三角、长沙、梅南、南口、瑶上等13个乡镇,以梅城话为代表;2．松口片,包括松口、松东、松南、松源、桃尧、隆、三乡、雁洋、丙村、白渡等10个乡镇,以松口话为代表;3．梅西片,包括梅西、石坑等2个乡镇,以梅西话为代表;4．畲坑片,包括畲江、径义、水车、河泗四个乡镇,以畲坑话为代表;二是既是方言区域的划分以方言语言、词汇、语法的一致性为标准,那么,“梅县话”应指“梅城片”的话,简称“梅城话”。     

摆贵阳方言龙门阵

贵阳方言随移民化而逐渐融入北方方言体系,在新的强势移民化程度的影响下,贵阳话已经成为一种弱势方言。方言是地域文化的主要内涵,当方言失去自身的特征时,地域文化也就会因为缺乏养分越来越枯竭。     

论方志著述的地理因素

本文以西方近代地理学的视角,对当代地方志编纂中忽视地理因素的现象进行探讨。认为地方志著述中地理因素的规范化、标准化,是确保地方志整体学术质量的一个重要方面。文章提出了五点建议:地方志工作机构要与地理信息发布部门形成良好的互动机制,随时征集、采撷最新的地理信息;地方志工作者必须具备正确的地理意识,要努力成为"地方通",成为世情、国情、省情或市情的"操盘手";对地方志著述的科学审查,必须有天文、地理、地质或地名等方面的行家里手直接参与;要重视全面社会调查,吸收最新的自然地理、地质矿产等方面的调查资料;要重视历史地理,深化人文地理的科学表述。     

福建方言的形成及分布

福建省历来以方言复杂著称。全国汉语方言有七大类,福建境内就占有其五——闽方言、客方言、赣方言、吴方言和官话方言。方言的形成主要是由于社会的分裂、人民的迁徙、民族的融合和地理的阻隔。福建境内现存的各种方言都有自己独特的形成过程。从总的方面说,就古民族和古方言的源流     

汉语方言的地理分布及其研究意义

方言是一种语言的地方变体,方言地理学是研究方言地域分布的学科。通过\"方言分布图\"的分析,探讨方言的形成与发展,分析方言与自然环境、人文环境的相互关系,从而对人文地理各分支学科的研究起到促进作用。     

从地理和文化角度看陕北方言中的地名词语

语言是文化的载体,方言是语言的地域变体,不同的方言反映了不同的地域文化。①通过对方言尤其是方言中的地名词语的探索和分析,能够更加充分地挖掘和展示当地民族丰富的地域特征和文化内涵。作为晋语的一部分,陕北方言的地名词语不仅反映了陕北黄土高原沟壑纵横的地理地貌,而且记录了古代历史上的民族迁徙、融合的踪迹,折射着发生在这片黄土地上的农业文明,也暗示了上层统治阶级及下层平民百姓的某种心理愿望。     

The contested rescaling of economic governance in East Asia: a special issue

The special issue this article opens engages with an apparent conundrum that has often puzzled observers of East Asian politics—why, despite the region's considerable economic integration, multilateral economic governance institutions remain largely underdeveloped. The authors argue that this ‘regionalism problématique’ has led to the neglect of prior and more important questions pertaining to how patterns of economic governance, beyond the national scale, are emerging in East Asia and why. In this special issue, the contributors shift analytic focus onto social and political struggles over the scale and instruments of economic governance in East Asia. The contributions identify and explain the emergence of a wide variety of regional modes of economic governance often neglected by the scholarship or erroneously viewed as stepping stones towards ‘deeper’ multilateralism.     

20世纪初中国知识分子地方意识勃兴的原因及其特点

20世纪初知识分子的地方意识在社会生活的许多方面表露出来,成为一种普遍的社会心理现象。地方意识总体上是乡土社会在近代社会变迁方面的反映。地方意识的特点是爱国主义与本位主义、进步性与落后性、现代意识与传统意识交织在一起。总之,这些特点使得20世纪初的知识分子的地方意识对近代中国社会演进产生了深远而复杂的影响。     

John Hewitt's allegorical imagination

John Hewitt (1907–1987), the Northern Irish poet from Belfast, is most famous for advocating the Regionalist project he helped start in the 1930's. Regionalism demanded something more than kinship: an allegiance to the smaller unit of land within a nation. In his poetry, Hewitt's pursuit of this ideal necessitated a concern with sectarian issues and the religious and cultural impasses that attended them. Consequently, he often examines his own complicity in the unhealthy relations between divided neighbors, and this opens the door to a couple of criticisms that have commonly been directed at Hewitt: that his negotiations with place are outdated and that his craft and imagination were superseded by a self-conscious attention to denominational questions. To a large degree this essay means to explore how Hewitt manages to overcome such difficulties in his best work, especially The Bloody Brae and ‘The Colony’. In these and other poems, he imagines an alternative time and place; such settings allow the poet to dramatize philosophical and meta-ethical questions without being explicitly hortative. The worlds of these poems exist independently, untainted by contemporary fact, yet they often allude to the predicaments of his homeland. This technique of using a double focus inspires reflection on questions current in Hewitt's lifetime, at the same time as it shifts responsibility for answers from poet to reader. It also insists on the recall of visual experience, thereby promoting a regionally characteristic language.     

Sweden’s Historical Mission and World War I

Swedish activism was a political movement during World War I that demanded Sweden’s entrance into the war as an ally of Germany. The article proposes a more systematic way of conceptualizing the nature of this movement, based on the activists’ beliefs about Sweden’s geographical and historical situation, their region-building goals, and the response to the war. The second and simultaneous aim is to suggest a way of distinguishing more clearly between ‘activism proper’ and other, closely-related viewpoints of the time (‘activist tendencies’).     

BLUEBEARD'S FORBIDDEN ROOM: GENDER IMAGES IN MARGARET ATWOOD'S VISUAL AND LITERARY ART

Regionalization tendencies have often been regarded, in academic and political debates, as a serious challenge for Canadian federalism and the national unity of Canada. This article argues that regionalism—and increased regionalization processes in the context of neoliberal globalization tendencies—is not a contradictory force that threatens federalism and national unity, but that it is and has historically been a decisive feature of Canadian civic nationalism from the beginning of the nation-building project. As a consequence, and for better or worse, processes of devolution under the current politico-economic regime will stabilize Canadian national unity rather than undermine it: regionalization can strengthen civic nationalism in Canada by adding a cultural dimension as a vehicle that negotiates between individual citizens, identity groups, and state institutions. Regionalisms—such as Québécois nationalism—are malleable structures of belonging and provide institutional frameworks (e.g., informal constitutions) and forums of dialogue that enrich the political culture of federalism. We conclude that increased regionalization can help to strengthen Canadian (and other forms of) civic nationalism by preventing them from slipping into monistic unitarism.     

新区域主义视角下长株潭城市群区域一体化过程与影响因素

在新区域主义理论视角下,借鉴城市引力模型、经济网络结构模型和比较集中系数的方法,对长株潭城市群区域一体化进行分析。结果表明：长株潭城市群区域一体化水平在不同的时代背景下存在显著差异,其变化过程呈现出“高-低-高”的“V”字型特征。可划分为三个阶段：第一个阶段是1980年到1990年区域一体化程度较高的阶段,后计划经济是其发展的时代背景;第二个阶段是1990年到2000年由计划经济向社会主义市场经济转轨,是区域一体化的低谷阶段;第三个阶段是在2000年之后,随着社会主义市场经济的确立,城市群进入区域一体化程度更高的阶段。长株潭城市群区域一体化影响因素逐步由政府力量为主转为市场力量为主,呈现出明显的新区域主义特征。     

东北经济区人地关系地域系统区划的初步研究

本文以东北经济区自然、经济和社会文化的地域分异特征为基础,以人地相互作用理论为指导,通过探讨人地关系地域系统区划的原则和方法,对东北经济区人地关系地域系统的区划做了初步研究。     

Regions Unbound: Towards a new Politics of Place

Abstract This paper proposes a non‐territorial reading of a politics of place. Focusing on the politics of contemporary regionalism, it argues that globalisation and the general rise of a society of transnational flows and networks no longer allow a conceptualisation of place politics in terms of spatially bound processes and institutions. The second part of the paper outlines an alternative politics of place that works with the varied distanciated geographies that cut across a given region.