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1.
Eldridge  Claire 《French history》2009,23(1):88-107
When riots broke out in the Bias Camp east of Bordeaux in May1975, few in France had heard of the harkis, the Algerian auxiliarieswho fought for the French during the Algerian War of Independence(1954–62). This began to change, however, as the rapidlyspreading protests instigated by their children garnered increasingmedia coverage. Seeking to end their status as les oubliésde l'histoire, the children of the harkis sought recognitionfor the history of their parents, particularly the sacrificesthey had made for France and the suffering endured as a consequence.What is particularly interesting about this campaign is thatthe children of the harkis were not alone in this desire andin fact were relative latecomers to the harki activist scene.The years since the end of the Algerian War had witnessed arange of representations offered by a series of self-appointedspokespersons who, in the absence of direct testimony from withinthe harki community, and often serving their own objectives,took it upon themselves to speak on behalf of the harkis. Thisarticle seeks to analyse the relationship between these externalnarratives, put forward by actors including the Algerian andFrench governments, the former Muslim elite of colonial Algeria,French veterans and the pied-noir community and those offeredby the children of the harkis in order to illustrate some ofthe issues pertaining to the mobilization and transmission ofFrance's colonial past in a postcolonial context.  相似文献   

2.
Shelford  April G. 《French history》2006,20(2):161-181
In 1676 Pierre-Daniel Huet, scholar and tutor to the Dauphin,encountered difficulties with state censorship. Bishop Bossuetwas blocking the publication of his Demonstratio evangelica,a recasting of an ancient Christian apologetic. The Sorbonnetheologian and censor, Edme Pirot, was caught in the middle.An analysis of the interaction between these three men revealsAncien Régime censorship as a series of negotiationsshaped by the different stakes, personalities, ambitions andstatus of the participants. Huet and Bossuet’s quarrelalso echoed the confessional debates of the sixteenth centuryand reflected disagreements within the Catholic Church thereafter.It raised such important questions as whether the Bible shouldbe subjected to the same types of analysis as secular textsand anticipated concerns about the relationship between biblicalcriticism and the rise of irreligion. Throughout, Bossuet skilfullymanipulated the mechanisms of state censorship to defend hisvision of Church Tradition by delaying the publication of Huet’sDemonstratio and suppressing Richard Simon’s L’histoirecritique du Vieux Testament.  相似文献   

3.
The text is less a review of the new literature than a reflectionon significant and innovative current trends in the historiographyon women and gender in the National Socialist era. The firstpart deals with various women's activities within milieus andprofessions, including their room for manoeuvre: midwives, socialworkers, female Nazi functionaries, and female auxiliary workersof the Nazi Wehrmacht. The second part of the article addressesspecific features of biopolitics, targeted not only againstJews but also against asocial women, homosexuals and prostitutes.It also looks at visual images of bodies. Although the Nazistried to create strongly determined binaries to categorize ‘we’and ‘the others’ in the arts and other propagandamaterial, there existed, in fact, a broad spectrum of body images,especially among media stars. A third trend in the history ofthe Third Reich deals not only with the politics of exclusionbut also of inclusion, as found in the concept of Volksgemeinschaft(national community), a concept that had many facets, such asthe Volksfamilie, comradeship and home front. And it was themedia that had the task of ‘translating’ this conceptto the people in many appealing ways. The fourth part considersthe gendering of memories after 1945 and the dominance of malenarratives and points of view. The four parts of the articleare intended to contribute to intersectional history and thehistory of social engineering.  相似文献   

4.
Anthony V. Riccio's lavish new coffee table book, The ItalianAmerican Experience in New Haven: Images and Oral Histories,provides a fascinating look at the experiences of Italian immigrantsand their children in one east coast community. The field ofimmigration history has certainly benefited from the wealthof oral histories collected from immigrants and their descendants.Ranging from Al Santoli's New Americans, an Oral History: Immigrantsand Refugees in the U. S. Today (1988) to works such as La Merica:Images of Italian Greenhorn Experience (1985)  相似文献   

5.
Duffy  Eve 《German history》2007,25(4):517-538
Within the larger framework of understanding how modernity wasframed within and through the domestic sphere, this articleconsiders the efforts of Bavarian electrical engineer Oskarvon Miller to electrify and modernize Germany against the backdropof Weimar reform movements. Unlike modernist reformers associatedwith such projects as the Bauhaus or the Werkbund, Miller wasa practical systems-builder who sought to encourage consumptionwithin traditional frameworks of home and Heimat. For Miller,exhibiting the benefits of technology was a key element in securingits success, and his reliance on consumers rested on a corporatistideal that would create a new kind of community centred on technology.Whereas in the Imperial era Miller focused on Handwerker andsmall machines as the guarantors of both progress and socialstability, in the Weimar era he turned to housewives and housework.Through his involvement in electrification schemes as well asin his work in founding the Deutsches Museum, one of the firstmuseums of science and technology in Europe, Miller createda powerful narrative of technological progress that was bothtraditional and modern.  相似文献   

6.
In A Florida Fiddler, Gregory Hansen has done a masterful jobof bringing to life a portrait of a traditional artist, placinghim in the context of his geography, time, and community. Throughthe use of interviews, transcribed public performances, andobservation, the author lets Richard Seaman speak for himself,in his own voice, to tell his own  相似文献   

7.
This essay re-examines the Daily Mail's campaign in 1927–8against the Baldwin government's decision to equalize the franchiseby lowering the female voting age to 21. It argues that theMail's hostility to the ‘flapper vote’ was largelya product of the passionate anti-socialism of its proprietor,Lord Rothermere, and not, as has been suggested, the culminationof a decade of anti-feminism. Rothermere was convinced thatyoung women would vote overwhelmingly for the Labour Party andentrench it in government for a generation. But attacks on the‘flapper’ in 1927–8 were generally confinedto the paper's editorial and political columns, and contrastedwith the much more positive portrayal of young women that hadbeen typical of the Mail's output since 1918. The example ofthe Daily Express, which supported franchise equalization, isused to demonstrate that it was Rothermere's idiosyncratic politicalpinions, rather than the ‘typical’ anti-feminismof the Conservative press, that explained the Mail's stance.The article concludes that the gender discourse of interwarnewspapers has been unfairly stereotyped by historians, andthat media hostility to young, unmarried women in these yearshas been exaggerated.  相似文献   

8.
Germani  Ian 《French history》2009,23(1):47-68
The military justice records of the Armies of Italy and theSambre and Meuse reveal that, despite their contrasting militaryfortunes during the campaigns of 1796–97, their experienceswere very similar in many respects. The records of the conseilsmilitaires of the year IV (1795–96) and the conseils deguerre of the following year reveal both conditions of servicein the two armies and the circumstances and attitudes that regulatedthe relationship between soldiers and civilians in Italy andGermany. The conseils de guerre, instituted to remedy the perceivedlaxity of the conseils militaires, operated on similar principlesto their much-maligned predecessors. Occasional instances ofexemplary severity apart, these conseils frequently mitigatedboth charges and sentences, reserving the full severity of thelaw for soldiers who were not present to receive punishment.The councils protected miscreant soldiers more effectively thanthey did vulnerable civilians, but they nonetheless affirmed,if only in principle, the idea that revolutionary warfare shouldbe contained within legal limits.  相似文献   

9.
Moeller  Robert G. 《German history》2004,22(4):563-594
In the mid–1950s, West Germans were ready to fight theSecond World War again, this time at the cinema. This paperanalyses Kinder, Mütter und ein General, a war film inwhich a band of courageous women pushed to the eastern frontin March 1945 to bring home their sons who had only just puton Wehrmacht uniforms. The paper concludes that the film indicateshow West Germans had come to understand the past of the wara decade after the shooting stopped, and how memories of thewar also shaped contemporary discussions of rearmement, therehabilitation of the Wehrmacht, and the redefinition of ‘awomen's place’ after the defeat of Fascism.  相似文献   

10.
Searle  Alaric 《German history》2005,23(1):50-78
This article uses the prosecution of former GeneralleutnantTheodor Tolsdorff before the Landgericht Traunstein on threeseparate occasions (June 1954, September 1958 and May/June 1960)as a means of examining both press and judicial attitudes towardsthe Wehrmacht in the Federal Republic from 1954 to 1960. Whatis most surprising about the case is that, while the press reactionsto the first hearing in June 1954 were uniformly critical ofthe guilty verdict, the first retrial in September 1958 provokedattacks on the accused in newspapers, and the abandonment ofthe case under the provisions of the Amnesty Law provoked intensecriticism of the court. The reasons for the differing reactionsin June 1954 and September 1958 are not only to be sought inthe fact that the 1958 verdict came shortly after the closeof the Ulmer Einsatzgruppenprozeβ, but rather in the upsurgein anti-militarism which occurred between September 1954 andFebruary 1955 and the effects on public opinion of the 1957Schörner trial in Munich. When examined against the backgroundof the 1957 Schörner trial and the 1959 Manteuffel trial,the Tolsdorff case indicates not only that attitudes towardsthe Wehrmacht became much more critical during the second halfof the 1950s, but also that these three ‘generals’trials' were part of a broader pattern of proceedings for ‘crimesof the final period’ which played an important psychologicalpart in paving the way for a more honest confrontation withthe mass murder committed during the Third Reich.  相似文献   

11.
Follmer  Moritz 《German history》2005,23(2):202-231
The history of nationalism in interwar Germany has mostly beentold as a success story in which integration and mobilizationloom large. While not disputing this view this article proposesa closer look at the tensions between different proponents ofthe Volksgemeinschaft and the radicalizing consequences resultingfrom these tensions both before and after 1933. In practice,the prevailing interpretation of nationalism as the moral foundationfor unity and solidarity created various new divisions: refugeesfrom the lost Prussian provinces as well as people in the occupiedparts of the Rhineland expected to be supported by their fellowcitizens but were often bitterly disappointed. Interest groupsadapted the rhetoric of national community more or less successfullyto their own needs and purposes, but to their great anger didnot manage to improve their public image in this way. Right-wingintellectuals lamented the widespread lack of patriotic attitudesand found good Germans only in utopian spaces outside actualGerman society. Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt, and the proponentsof radical antisemitism even abandoned the moral approach tonationalism altogether. National Socialism claimed to solvethis problem by both integration through mass propaganda andexclusion through racism and violence. But in the reports ofthe Gestapo there was still much complaint about morally deficientGermans allegedly unwilling to sacrifice their private intereststo the national good. As recent research has shown, many Germansheld similar views of fellow citizens and party members. Thiscontinuing scenario of moral crisis was an important aspectof Nazi discourse closely related to the ever radicalizing exclusionisttendency of the Volksgemeinschaft.  相似文献   

12.
Jenkins  Brian 《French history》2006,20(3):333-351
The Paris riots of the six février 1934 are rememberedchiefly as the event that provided the initial spark and theeventual rationale for the anti-fascist Popular Front. However,most French historians have tended to downplay the importanceof the riots themselves, arguing that the Republic was not underserious threat, and that the Left at the time greatly exaggeratedthe danger. Indeed, the fact that the regime ‘survived’these events has often been cited as proof of its resilience,of France’s deep-rooted ‘democratic political culture’,and its inbuilt ‘immunity’ to fascism. This historiographicalreview argues that the standard interpretation of the six févrieris deeply flawed, especially in its tendency to deduce the intentionsof the actors from the outcome of the events. The six févrierconstituted a serious challenge to the regime, and created adangerously fluid situation in which a variety of ‘outcomes’became possible. It should be analysed not as a discrete andtemporally circumscribed event but as a key moment in an ongoingprocess of political radicalization on the French Right.  相似文献   

13.
We propose new methods for evaluating the spatial distributionof firms. To assess whether firms are concentrated or dispersed,economists have tradi-tionally used indices that analyse theheterogeneity of a spatial structure at a single geographiclevel. We introduce distance-based methods, Besag's L function(derived from Ripley's K function) and Diggle and Chetwynd'sD function to describe simultaneously spatial distribution atdifferent geographical scales. Our empirical applications considerthe distribution of French manufacturing firms in the Parisarea and in France generally. For some geographic levels, resultsshow significant concentration or dispersion of firms accordingto their sector of activity.  相似文献   

14.
New York's junior senator Hillary Clinton, around this timelast decade, gave a speech entitled "It Takes a Village to Raisea Child," which became a book, It Takes a Village and OtherLessons Children Teach Us (1994). As I read Renewing the CountrysideWisconsin—both the profiles of the local, regional, andcommunity businesses and organizations and the afterword explaininghow Wisconsin's contribution to the   相似文献   

15.
Marcus  Kenneth 《German history》2007,25(1):1-21
German courts have long been renowned for their support of music.How long could this support continue in times of war? This articleconsiders the fate of the Württemberg Hofkapelle duringthe Thirty Years War (1618-48), a conflict that forced manydistinguished Hofkapellen to close their doors for much of thewar's duration. The Hofkapelle (literally ‘court chapel’or music ensemble) was the focus of much music patronage atearly modern German courts, and typically consisted of an orchestraof strings, horns, and percussion, as well as adult male singersand a boys’ choir. Based on an analysis of church councilaccounts that list all expenditure for court music throughoutthe war, the article asserts that demand for music during religiousservices under both Protestant and Catholic control of the duchyremained relatively constant. This demand enabled the Hofkapelleto continue musical performances, despite the enormous constraintsthe war placed on court expenditure. Music patronage was significant in several ways. Payment forperformers and composers could be highly competitive among Germancourts, with the best musicians earning salaries often far exceedingthose of other officials. Foreign musicians were much in demandin Württemberg as elsewhere, such as English lutenist JohnPrice, who founded a group of English lutenists at the Württembergcourt in 1618 that lasted until the death of Duke Johann Friedricha decade later. While the hardship of wartime effectively endedthe payment of large salaries, forcing many top performers toleave, members of the court still called for music at church,even if they had to pay for performances themselves. A studyof music patronage during the Thirty Years War thus revealsnot only the extent to which the court sought to support thearts, but also how that support reflected the shifting fortunesof war.  相似文献   

16.
Chicanas in Charge is a collection of individual profiles ofsignificant women in Texas politics and activism from the 1940sto the present. The book is arranged in four parts—"Adelitas:Warrior Trailblazers," "The Chicano Movement Activists," "Puentesy Lazos: The Hispanic Connectors," and "Twenty-first CenturyEntorchas/Torchbearers." Each part features a short introductionthat identifies the period's historical zeitgeist, identifiessimilar themes in the women's stories, and points out uniqueaspects of the leaders followed by from five to eight individualprofiles. The profiles of each woman are somewhat concise: they includea sketch of the background  相似文献   

17.
The term "deindustrialization" did not come into popular usageuntil the late 1970s as American heavy industry went into aprecipitous decline and the industrial heartland became the"rust belt." For the people of the anthracite coal mining regionof eastern Pennsylvania, deindustrialization came much earlieras Thomas Dublin and Walter Licht graphically demonstrate inThe Face of Decline: The Pennsylvania Anthracite Region in theTwentieth Century (2005). This work joins a growing body ofliterature that examines the rise, decline, and fall of communitiesimpacted by the slow erosion of heavy industry. Recent workssuch as Industrial Sunset: The Making of North America's RustBelt (2003) by Steven High,  相似文献   

18.
Tyre  Stephen 《French history》2006,20(3):276-296
This article explores the rise and fall of the notion of intégrationas a means of resisting pressure for decolonization in Algeria,focusing on the work of Jacques Soustelle, the eminent ethnologistand Gaullist politician who was Governor-General in Algeriafrom 1955 to 1956. Soustelle’s integration plan was avision developed in Algeria, and its diffusion in France andadoption by a number of diverse groups in the metropole canbe seen as an important case of Algerian influence on Frenchpolitical and intellectual life. The network of Algériefrançaise sympathizers and movements which adopted integrationas their watchword is examined, demonstrating how integrationtook on almost mythical qualities and appealed to figures fromacross the political spectrum. The article also suggests thatintegration can be seen as a contribution to our understandingof the role that a vision of a multiracial and multiculturalgreater France played in the policy and rhetoric of some advocatesof Algérie française.  相似文献   

19.
Collins  James B. 《French history》2006,20(4):387-404
Was the countryside of early modern France marked fundamentallyby mobility or sedentarity? Tax rolls suggest the former, highendogamy rates the latter. For the period 1660–1720, ararely used source, the registers of translation de domicile(change of tax domicile), provide a more comprehensive answerthan civil or tax records. They suggest that, first, 60,000–70,000better-off families moved each year; second, poor migrants,such as day labourers, rarely made declarations; third, thosewho owned land, moved far less often; fourth, laboureurs typicallymoved between 10 and 40 kilometres to take on farms of greaterimportance; fifth, cottagers and day labourers moved to a nearbyvillage, rarely more than 5 kilometres away and finally, menand their families moved for economic gain, whereas women movedbecause of economic loss, after the death of their husband.Because the laboureurs dominated the villages—for example,paying most of the taxes—their movement shook the villagein fundamental ways. The translation de domicile registers indicatevillages open to the outside, full of in-migrants, whose economicstatus often bore a close correlation to the distance of theirmove (high-long, low-short).  相似文献   

20.
Foa  Jeremie 《French history》2006,20(4):369-386
Although theological and political aspects of the Wars of Religionhave been extensively studied, their spatial dimension has oftenbeen neglected. Despite the plethora of urban monographs, spacehas been considered as the setting rather than the object ofconflict. On account of its scarcity, space brought a varietyof benefits and accordingly generated strategies of appropriationand exclusion for which the two confessions were unequally prepared.If Charles IX was the first to ‘tolerate’ Protestants,he almost always confined them to domestic space or excludedthem from the centre of towns. Employing a sociology of dominationdrawn from the work of Pierre Bourdieu, this article seeks toexamine the unequal situation of the two confessions from aspatial perspective, refusing to explain this difference solelyby recourse to theological concepts. On the contrary, it attemptsto show how, in a manner that requires explanation, socioconfessionalinequalities were transformed into spatial ones.
The space which before any other seems to me to raise the problemand manifest just that strong social and historical differentiationbetween societies is the space of exclusion—of exclusionand imprisonment. Michel Foucault, La scène de la philosophie(1978)1
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