《朝鲜王朝世宗实录》的编纂与中国实录传统的影响

《朝鲜王朝世宗实录》是朝鲜王朝前期纂修的一部实录,凡163卷,其纂修经文宗和端宗两朝,历时两年。《世宗实录》的编纂与朝鲜王朝初期文武两班大臣的政治斗争密切相关,"癸酉靖难"中,武臣总裁金宗瑞等被杀,最终由文臣郑麟趾总裁完成。在体裁上,它承袭了中国古代实录"编年附传"的特点;在体例上,却有着自身的独特性,《世宗实录》中所附"四志"乃最重要的变化和体现。透过《世宗实录》的研究,可以深入认识《朝鲜王朝实录》对于中国古代实录编纂特点的继承与改变,进而深入了解中国传统史学对朝鲜史学的影响。     

《箕雅》朝鲜汉诗用韵研究

《箕雅》是朝鲜汉诗规模最大的一部诗歌总集,其中朝鲜时期的汉诗占绝大篇幅。通过对朝鲜时期汉诗用韵情况与《东国正韵》及《洪武正韵》韵部的比较来看,汉诗用韵与两部韵书的相合率均较高,且《东国正韵》与《洪武正韵》的韵部大部分对应严格。说明一方面《东国正韵》的编纂参考了《洪武正韵》,另一方面朝鲜诗人作诗用韵有的依据《东国正韵》,有的遵循《洪武正韵》。     

七天时间突击译制《卖花姑娘》

从1972年的10月中旬开始,中国所有电影院里一片抽泣和呜咽。朝鲜电影艺术家将金日成早期完成的剧作整理后,创作出了宽银幕故事片《卖花姑娘》。已经整整6年没有生产故事片的中国,迅速沉浸在朝鲜艺术家们所营造的悲愤意境中。它的艺术性与当年的革命样板戏等相比,简直达到了登峰造极的地步。     

张謇《代某公条陈朝鲜事宜疏》考析

张謇《代某公条陈朝鲜事宜疏》考析戚其章《代某公条陈朝鲜事宜疏》是有关张謇的一件重要史料。张春关心国事,留意国际形势,又在朝鲜有一段亲身经历,故对朝鲜的前途极为忧虑。《代某公条陈朝鲜事宜疏》便反映了他对朝鲜问题的基本认识和主张,并提出了相应的对策,值得...     

命运多舛的朝鲜末代皇帝李拓

李拓是朝鲜封建王朝的亡国之君,一生命运多:一岁时就被立为世子,在父母与祖父的宫斗以及中日俄三国争夺朝鲜的残酷环境中长大,其母亲闵妃(史称明成皇后)为日本人所残杀;1907年,李拓接替父亲高宗登上帝位,三年后朝鲜被日本吞并;他一生无后,长期被日本当局软禁,1926年4月在郁郁寡欢中去世,年仅五十三岁。     

朝鲜世宗朝之历史教育——以《资治通鉴》与《资治通鉴纲目》为中心

《资治通鉴》与《资治通鉴纲目》,高丽末年先后传入朝鲜半岛,产生了深远影响。朝鲜王朝国王经筵、世子教育、科举考试中,《通鉴》与《纲目》都是重要的史书。朝鲜世宗国王想法从明朝求书,刊印《通鉴》与《纲目》,组织文臣编纂《资治通鉴训义》与《资治通鉴纲目训义》,充分显示他对二书的重视。他熟知《通鉴》故事,日常政事中,经常引用,以为资政之策。《通鉴》与《纲目》对朝鲜的影响,既是朝鲜政治与史学的重要内容,也是中朝史学交流的重要例证。     

《中国封建王朝兴亡史》出版

《中国封建王朝兴亡史》出版第一部论述中国封建王朝兴亡盛衰的专题通史《中国封建王朝兴亡史》,已由广西人民出版社出版发行。本书分８卷,２４０万字,由中国社会科学院历史所研究员周远廉任总主编,北京大学、南开大学、首都师范大学、四川师范大学、四川省社会科学院...     

“发”人刍议

在我国古代文献中,记载着一支被称作“发”的古代居民。《逸周书·王会解》记作“发人”,《管子》和《史记·五帝本纪》均记作“发”,《大戴礼记·少闲篇》则记作“北发”。 《管子》一书的《揆度》和《轻重甲》篇均有“八千里之发、朝鲜”的记载。春秋时期,燕与朝鲜(箕氏朝鲜)东西相接,发人自不会在二者之间,而应在燕之东、朝鲜以北求之。 发,《集韵》注为:北末切,入声,末韵。郭沫若认     

《朝鲜馆译语》考论北大核心CSSCI

《朝鲜馆译语》为《华夷译语》的一种,成书于十六世纪中叶,系明代鸿胪寺所辑,曾用于明末鸿胪寺朝鲜通事之培养。清代虽也设"朝鲜译学"、"韩语学堂"培养朝鲜通事,但并未使用《朝鲜馆译语》。"朝鲜译学"所用教材为高级朝鲜通事自行编撰的汉、满、朝三种语言互译教程,"韩语学堂"所用教材为朝文版《通文馆志》。     

志愿军工兵参加战后平壤重建纪实

1953年7月27日,美国在《朝鲜停战协定》上签字,中国人民和朝鲜人民的反侵略战争取得了胜利. 朝鲜战争刚停战的第三天,朝鲜民主主义人民共和国内阁就发布了《恢复和重建平壤市的决定》,号召朝鲜人民医治战争创伤,重建共和国的首都平壤.中国人民志愿军党委也做出了帮助朝鲜人民恢复生产、重建家园的决定.志愿军司令部、政治部迅即发出《关于帮助朝鲜人民进行恢复与重建工作的指示》,要求志愿军各部队积极参加朝鲜人民重建家园的工作,"要像建设祖国一样地来帮助朝鲜人民建设朝鲜".     

朝鲜民族共产主义者在中国东北抗日斗争中的地位和贡献

自1910年朝鲜被日本强制"合并"以来,朝鲜爱国志士纷纷来到中国东北地区,继续坚持抗日民族革命斗争。1930年以来,朝鲜民族共产主义者根据共产国际"一国一党"的组织原则,大多加入中国共产党,在我党的统一领导下,肩负着"双重革命使命",与各族人民紧密团结在一起,进行了英勇顽强的抗日武装斗争。朝鲜民族共产主义者以其特殊的身份和地位,在中国东北抗日武装斗争中作出了突出的贡献,并逐步形成了以金日成为首的朝鲜共产主义运动的领导核心力量。这段历史是中国东北抗日革命史的一部分,是朝鲜抗日民族解放斗争史的主要内容,而且是现代中朝友谊史的光辉篇章。     

‘Red on White’: Kim Il Sung,Park Chung Hee,and the Failure of Korea’s Reunification, 1971–1973

The articles argues that in 1971–1973 North Korea’s leader Kim Il Sung used the Sino-American rapprochement and the Soviet-American détente to pursue Korean reunification on his terms; his aim was to ‘democratize’ and then ‘revolutionize’ South Korea and so achieve through dialogue what he failed to achieve through militancy. Kim’s game was based on a misreading of the political dynamics in South Korea and on misplaced confidence in North Korea’s attractiveness. He also misjudged his ability to obtain China’s and the USSR’s backing for his schemes.     

Policies and Ideologies of the Kim Jong-un Regime in North Korea: Theoretical Implications

Soon after the death of Kim Jong-il on 17 December 2011, his youngest and previously least-known son, Kim Jong-un, was declared the next leader of North Korea. At least for now, it seems clear that the Kim Jong-un regime is determined to uphold the established policies and ideologies of its predecessor. The present study attempts to explain why that is the case using path-dependence theory. Obviously, the old policies and ideologies are intimately bound up with the political processes of the present regime. North Korea’s unique monolithic system, comprising the Juche ideology and the military-first policy, which was constructed during the Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il regimes, has exerted a comprehensive influence on the country’s political and socioeconomic development processes for decades, and it is clear that the existing policy and the institutional framework based on it wield a powerful influence on the current political processes. This greatly restricts the autonomy and the range of choices of the new incumbent, suggesting that path dependence is relevant in the case of the North Korean regime.     

Portrayals of Non-North Koreans in North Korean Textbooks and the Formation of National Identity

This article examines the portrayal of non-North Koreans in North Korean textbooks to assess the influences on the formation of North Korean identity, and how such identity formation is important in Kim Jeong-il's retention of power. This study not only looks closely at textual representations; it also examines how political and ideological changes in North Korea had a critical influence on these texts. The study encompasses both lexico-grammatical analysis and the analysis of textual and visual images, based on an examination of six North Korean language textbooks published from 1954 to 2000. It demonstrates that North Korean identity is defined through the portrayal of non-North Koreans, particularly enemy others. The portrayal of non-North Koreans facilitates the formation of a solid North Korean identity – an identity that entails serving their political leaders, remaining vigilant against threats to their country, and liberating South Koreans from poverty and oppression by America and its puppet states.     

关于中国军队中朝鲜族官兵返回朝鲜的历史考察

朝鲜战争爆发前,中国军队中的一大批朝鲜族官兵先后返回朝鲜。这些官兵大都是自近代以来尤其是日本吞并朝鲜以来,从朝鲜半岛迁入中国东北的朝鲜族。特殊的历史环境造就了这些朝鲜族具有双重国籍的特性,也构成了战后朝鲜族部队形成、改编和回国的复杂背景。他们返回朝鲜,看似孤立的历史事件,但它源于自近代以来朝鲜半岛向中国移民的历史,源于中朝两国人民携手反抗日本侵略的武装斗争史,更源于战后初期在特殊历史背景下展开的中国共产党与朝鲜的关系。某种意义上讲,它是这种错综复杂的历史渊源关系发展的必然结果。     

North Korea’s Response to US Army Propaganda Leaflets during the Korean War

This study examines a particular aspect of the history of North and South Korea’s bbira (propaganda leaflets), focusing on North Korea’s propaganda strategies in response to US propaganda during the Korean War, including perceptions of propaganda leaflets targeting North Koreans and counterstrategies used against them. The research herein analyses Munhakyesul, the leaflets during the Korean War, and the leaflets held by the DMZ Museum. The findings of this study reveal characteristics of and differences between the psychological tactics used by North Korea and the US during the Korean War, as exhibited through the use of these propaganda leaflets.     

“中华人民共和国地方史工作研讨会”纪要

盛世修史是中华民族的传统 ,我们今天研究和撰写中华人民共和国国史和地方史 ,正是要通过不断总结历史经验 ,坚持真理 ,修正错误 ,使我们的事业不断发展。地方史研究与国史研究一样 ,不是权宜之计 ,国家有关部门和各级政府应将地方史工作纳入社会科学研究的全面长远规划当中 ,给予充分的重视 ,建立相关常设机构 ,并在经费上予以保障。目前地方史工作缺乏统一的指导和规划 ,应在统一规划的基础上 ,加强地方史工作的交流     

BOOK REVIEWS

Book reviewed in this article:
The Economic and Social Modernization of the Republic of Korea: 1945-1975 , by Edward S. Mason, Mahn Je Kim, Dwight H. Perkins, Kwang Suk Kim, and David Cole.
Government, Business, and Entrepreneurship in Economic Development: The Korean Case. Studies in the Modernization of the Republic of Korea: 1945-1975 , by Leroy P. Jones and II Sakong.
The Interregional Diffusion of Innovations in Canada , a Study Prepared for the Economic Council of Canada, by F. Martin, N. Swan, I. Banks, G. Barker, and R. Beaudry.
Housing and Residential Structure: Alternative Approaches , by Keith Bassett and John R. Short.
The Human Experience of Space and Place , by Anne Buttimer and David Seamon (eds).
Energy Development in the Southwest. Problems of Water, Fish, and Wildlife in the Upper Colorado River Basin , Volumes I and II, Resources for the Future Research Paper R-18, by Walter O. Spofford, Jr., Alfred L. Parker, and Allen V. Kneese (eds.).     

Revisiting the South Korean developmental state after the 1997 financial crisis

This study reassesses the conventional wisdom surrounding the developmental state of South Korea (hereafter Korea) since the 1997 Korean financial crisis. The conventional wisdom is that, as a result of the continued structural reforms prompted by the crisis, the Korean developmental state, inherently characterised by active or direct state intervention, strong economic and industrial policies, the chaebol-oriented economic policy, and labour exclusion, has finally begun to dissolve in earnest. In this study, we have considered whether that is really the case and also which theoretical implications can be drawn from this consideration. Analysis of the Korean developmental state following the 1997 crisis has indicated that, quite contrary to conventional wisdom, the developmental state has continued to prevail as a core policy framework of the Korean administrations even after the crisis. There is no doubt that the continued structural and market reform after the crisis certainly undermined the Korean developmental state to a certain degree, but that does not mean the beginning of the end of the Korean developmental state at all. For much evidence strongly indicates that the Korean developmental state still remains intact and strong despite the structural reforms, on account of the successive Korean governments’ assiduous and deliberate efforts to maintain and reinforce it. Even after the crisis, the Kim Dae-Jung and post-Kim regimes have hardly abandoned many of their market interventionist policies. Such market interventionist policies, which were routinely practised under the military regime in the 1960s and 1970s, diametrically contravene the argument that the Korean developmental state has begun to dissolve as a result of structural reform after the 1997 crisis. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the Korean developmental state persists as usual. All this information, then, suggests that path dependence is in action in the case of the Korean developmental state, and this suggests a further hypothesis that the Korean developmental state is very likely to persist in the future as well, despite increasing globalisation pressure, given the strong path dependence.     

Nuclear Sisyphus: the myth of denuclearising North Korea

Is North Korea ready and willing to give up its nuclear weapons? Proponents of arms control and sustained engagement with North Korea maintain that Pyongyang's desire to acquire nuclear weapons stemmed from ingrained insecurity vis-à-vis the United States or more specifically, the threat that the US poses to fundamental regime security.

However, the primordial source of Kim Jong Il's existential insecurity stems largely from the abnormal, structural idiosyncracies of his regime and not, as many naively believe, the hardline policies of the Bush administration. Accordingly, the Kim Jong Il regime's fundamental dilemma boils down to the fact that the domestic political costs of giving up its nuclear capabilities are just as high as the costs of retaining them.

Debunking the myth that the US, rather than North Korea, poses the greater challenge to South Korean security is as important as ensuring that North Korea dismantles its nuclear arsenal.