COMPARISONS IN THE SPATIAL KNOWLEDGE SURFACES OF SUBJECTS FROM CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES

This paper advances the spatial-choice modelling literature by further examining the way in which spatial knowledge is gained. The specific research purpose of this paper is to see how a major boundary (the U.S.A.-Canada border) will affect the generation of a spatial-knowledge surface. It is accepted that an important impact on the way an individual makes a spatial choice, such as a decision to migrate, is the amount and quality of the information he / she possesses about different locations. A positive influence on such a knowledge surface is the population size of the location. Negative influences include the separating distance between individual and location, and the degree of clustering the location faces in respect to other places around it. This paper investigates the way in which these influences also hold if a major boundary lies between a subject and the investigated research space. The paper uses a multi-variate model calibrated on lists of recalled United States city names generated at 9 different Canadian test sites. These are then compared to similar model results from 22 U.S. test sites. The Canadian test results are more consistent than those for the United States. Also, for Canadian subjects, there is no distance decay in the probability of recalling a location unless the Canadian test site is located proximate to a major American border city. A strong relationship exists between the population size of the recalled location and its probability of being recalled. There is also further evidence to support a hierarchical method of knowledge processing, albeit in a weaker form than found in the U.S. test sites. Cet article contribue à la documentation sur la modélisation des choix spatiaux en analysant comment on acquiert des connaissances sur l'espace. Le but spécifique de la recherche est d'observer comment une frontière géographique (la frontière entre les États-Unis et le Canada) influencerait la génération d'une surface de connaissances spatiales. Lorsqu'un individu choisit un lieu d'une perspective spatiale (et lorsqu'on prend une décision de migrer) la quantité et la qualité des ren-seignements qu'on possède au sujet des différentes situations influencent profondément sa décision. La population d'un lieu a une influence positive sur une telle surface de connaissances. Parmi les influences négatives il y a la distance qui sépare l'individu du lieu dont il s'agit, la proximité de ce lieu aux autres et le degré d'agglomération d'un lieu par rapport aux autres dans les environs. Dans cet article nous essayons de déterminer comment ces influences fonctionnent si une frontière importante reste entre l'individu et l'espace qu'on étudie. Cette investigation utilise un modèle multivarié, calibré sur des listes de noms de villes aux Etats-Unis qu'on rappelle et qui furent générés à 9 sites canadiens différents. Nous faisons la comparaison entre ceux-ci et des résultats semblables des modèles de 22 sites aux Etats-Unis. Les résultats des tests au Canada sont plus uniformes que ceux des Etats-Unis. De plus, pour les canadiens la distance n'a aucune influence sur la probabilité de rappeler un lieu à moins que le lieu canadien ne se trouve pas très près d'une ville importante américaine située sur la frontière. Une relation forte existe entre la population d'un lieu rappelé et sa probabilité d'être rappelée. D'autres faits suggèrent également la validité d'une méthode hiérarchique de traitement des connaissances, même si ces indications sout moins fortes que ce que l'on observe aux sites américains.     

PRECEDENT AND NATIONALISM IN THE SUPREME COURT OF CANADA

This article employs literature on federalism to explore the ways in which national Canadian interest groups develop federative structures in order to conduct advocacy work within Québec. It first identifies institutional reasons for the development of federalist structures for Canadian groups, and it then explores asymmetries between the treatment of Québec chapters of these groups and of chapters elsewhere in Canada. Drawing on interviews with the political directors of groups active at the national level in Canada, this article shows that the degree to which groups grant power to their provincial or Québec subunits varies according to the benefits sought by groups.     

COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE USSR: AN INITIAL INVESTIGATION

Several aspects of the distribution of institutions of higher education and their graduates are compared for the Soviet Union and the United States. The concentration of institutions and students is found to be greater in the USSR. Differences in regional enrollment rates relative to the location of institutions and students may be partly explained by differences in the curriculum structure of American and Soviet institutions of higher education and the greater degree of local control over higher education in the United States. A direct relationship exists in both countries between the percentage of graduates in a region and percentage urban and per capita income. Regional inequality in the percentage of graduates in urban versus rural areas is much greater in the USSR while regional inequality in the percentage of male and female graduates was only somewhat greater in the United States. Level of urbanization, migration of students and graduates, economic opportunity and economic structure are seen as important factors helping explain regional variation in the distribution of graduates.     

COAL MINING AND THE RESOURCE CURSE IN THE EASTERN UNITED STATES

We measure the effect of resource‐sector dependence on long‐run income growth using the natural experiment of coal mining in 409 Appalachian counties selected for homogeneity. Using a panel data set (1970–2010), we find a one standard deviation increase in resource dependence is associated with 0.5–1 percentage point long‐run and a 0.2 percentage point short‐run decline in the annual growth rate of per capita personal income. We also measure the extent to which the resource curse operates through disincentives to education, and find significant effects, but this “education channel” explains less than 15 percent of the apparent curse.