甲午之后清政府对外出租土地的价税政策及特点

甲午战争之后,外商在华的租地方式主要有永租和年租两种．其中年租是最为广泛的一种方式。租价和地价的确定方式多种多样,清政府向外商征收的地价、地税的显特点是：地价较低,而且开埠愈晚租价愈低;租期愈长,租价愈优;地税一般相当于或高于华界．有时甚至还低于华界。当时这种优价优税政策,是晚清土地出租政策的一次飞跃,是清统治主动推动明制度,“变成资产”的有益尝试。     

Between Radical Geography and Humanism: Anne Buttimer and the International Dialogue Project

This paper argues for a rediscovery and reassessment of the contributions that humanistic approaches can make to critical and radical geographies. Based on an exploration of the archives of Anne Buttimer (1938–2017) and drawing upon Paulo Freire's notion of conscientização (awareness of oppression accompanied by direct action for liberation), a concept that inspired the International Dialogue Project (1977–1988), I explore Buttimer's engagement with radical geographers and geographies. My main argument is that Buttimer's notions of “dialogue” and “catalysis”, which she put into practice through international and multilingual networking, should be viewed as theory‐praxes in a relational and Freirean sense. In extending and putting critically in communication literature on radical pedagogies, transnational feminism and the “limits to dialogue”, this paper discusses Buttimer's unpublished correspondence with geographers such as David Harvey, William Bunge, Myrna Breitbart, Milton Santos and others, and her engagement with radical geographical traditions like anarchism, repositioning “humanism” vis‐à‐vis the fields of critical and radical geography.     

史学与政治——美国“共识”史学初探

史学与政治的关系历来备受关注。但人们往往从史学应不应该为政治服务的角度出发看待它们之间的关系,未免有些简单化。事实上,史学与政治的关系涉及了史学理论的诸多问题。本文围绕“共识”史学探讨史学与政治之间的关系,实际上是探讨史学理论中有关主观性的问题。笔者认为,历史学家的研究活动预设了政治前提,其研究的对象也是在政治环境中产生的。因此,史学与政治之间有一种天然的联系。对此,我们应该有一种自觉的认识,才会有利于我们的历史研究。     

Explaining the 2016 Islamist Mobilisation in Indonesia: Religious Intolerance,Militant Groups and the Politics of Accommodation

There has been an intense scholarly debate about what caused the unprecedented Islamist mass demonstrations in Indonesia in late 2016. Some scholars have argued that increasing intolerance and conservatism among the Muslim population are responsible, while others have disputed such notions, claiming that there is no evidence of widespread support for an Islamist agenda. In this article, we analyse a unique set of polling data to show that a) conservative attitudes among Indonesian Muslims were declining rather than increasing prior to the mobilisation, but that b) around a quarter of Indonesian Muslims do support an Islamist socio-political agenda. Importantly, we demonstrate that this core constituency of conservative Muslims has grown more educated, more affluent and better connected in the last decade or so, increasing its organisational capacity. We argue that this capacity was mobilised at a time when conservative Muslims felt excluded from the current polity, following the end of a decade of accommodation.     

Implementing the Regulation on Places of Worship in Indonesia: New Problems,Local Politics and Court Action

This article examines the local implementation of the national Joint Regulation 2006 on places of worship in Indonesia. It focuses on the case study of the Protestant Christian Batak Congregation, which became one of the first churches to successfully challenge the authority of a local leader to cancel its permit to build a church. I begin by exploring the history of the regulation of permits for places of worship in Indonesia and the various proposals for law reform that have been put forward since 1998. I then outline the provisions of the new Joint Regulation and highlight the ongoing problems for religious minorities at the local level because of the failure of local authorities to implement the national regulation. I will demonstrate how religious minorities are challenging the decisions of local authorities by complaining to independent watchdogs, taking court action and using the political process. In conclusion, I argue that the Protestant Christian Batak Congregation court case is part of a broader trend for local authorities to use conflict over places of worship as an opportunity for political gain in the highly competitive political atmosphere since the downfall of Suharto in 1998.     

The Hidden Consequences of Credit: An Illustration from Rural Indonesia

Interest in rural financial development has been booming, but often with a blind eye to the broader consequences. Very few studies have tackled the unintended economic, social and ecological outcomes of ordinary indebtedness, the inevitable other side of credit. This article explores some of the main ‘hidden’ side‐effects of credit/debt relations, with special reference to the Indonesian plantation sector. I argue that widespread credit/debt relations are not only an important factor behind capital, land and labour control; they also generate constraints that foster market discipline and contribute to undermine traditional community bonds as well as environmental conditions. More generally, credit/debt relations represent a powerful mechanism of social selection that has, in the long run, crucially shaped the trajectory of capitalism at the household, firm and government levels.     

The Proliferation of Identity Politics in Australia: An Analysis of Ministerial Portfolios, 1970-2000

Since the 1970s, Australian State and Commonwealth governments have entered the area of social identity, addressing issues associated with groups identified in terms of social cleavages, such as race or gender, rather than class. This article analyses social identity activity in each jurisdiction in terms of patterns of growth, innovation, emulation and commitment, and finds that the entry of governments into social identity politics has been characterised by diversity. Analysis shows that State behaviour is not explained by general characteristics, such as demographics, partisanship and institutional factors, but by State-specific factors, such as the contemporary political environment, influence of Premiers and political culture. Despite diversity in the emergence of social identity politics, activity in most jurisdictions has stabilised, suggesting that this new area of activity is an enduring extension to the role of Australian governments.     

The 'Juggernaut Method': The 1966 State of Emergency and the Wilson Government's Response to the Seamen's Strike

In May 1966, in response to a strike by the National Union ofSeamen, Prime Minister Harold Wilson declared the first stateof emergency in Britain for over a decade. This article considerswhy he felt obliged to take such action and how it fitted intoa package of measures aimed at countering the strike. Thesemeasures culminated in his claims of communist influence onthe union, which helped to bring the strike to an end but triggeredhostility towards Wilson from within his party and the tradeunion movement. Furthermore, the article considers, why, giventhe immense emergency powers assumed by the government, it wasso ineffective in ameliorating the hardships caused by the strikeand what implications this had for people throughout the UK.Despite being personally content with the outcome, this wasto prove a pyrrhic victory for Wilson given the ongoing difficultiesfacing the British economy and the bitterness he had provokedamong Labour supporters.