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任玉雪 《中国历史地理论丛》2007,22(3):103-112
清代承平日久,驻防盛京的旗人逐渐卷入当地的社会生活,由客居变为土著。旗人社会的变化,使以军事防御为主的八旗驻防制度发生了重大变革。本文通过对清代盛京八旗驻防制度的考察,认为驻防旗官从行政、司法、经济诸领域渗入地方社会的管理,八旗驻防的地方政府不断完善,与民官一起,成为区域社会的重要管理者。盛京将军辖区的"城"已成为驻防区约定俗成的政区,拥有治所、幅员、边界、行政组织等,驻防制度逐渐演变为带有八旗制度特征的地方行政制度。 相似文献
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1935年之胡恩溥、白逾桓被暗杀事件,是“日本天津军的谋略”,目的是将国民政府赖以维持统治华北的有关机关、人员和军队从华北赶走.事件发生后,双方舆论展开对阵,双方人员展开一场严重的交涉.中方舆论含蓄地指出事件为日方所为,日伪舆论和驻屯军、关东军及驻华使节竭力“论证”为蓝衣社所为.日军以武力为手段,采取三步走,迫使国民政府撤走河北省主席于学忠和其他官员以及中央军.国民政府虽然接受了这些要求,但是拒绝承担日军强加的责任.胡白事件本来是日军制造的,它在企图得逞后不再逼迫由国民政府来承担,胡白事件不了了之. 相似文献
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In this article we explore how sex education in schools has become an adversarial political issue. Although sex education has never been a wholly uncontroversial subject, we show that for two decades after the Second World War there was a broad consensus among policy-makers that it offered a solution to public health and social problems, especially venereal disease. From the late 1960s, this consensus came under attack. As part of a wider effort to reverse the changes associated with the 'permissive' society and legislation of the late 1960s, moral traditionalists and pro-family campaigners sought to problematize sex education. They depicted it as morally corrupting and redefined it as a problem rather than a public health solution. Henceforth, the politics of sex education became increasingly polarized and adversarial. We conclude that the fractious debates about sex education in the 1980s and 1990s are a legacy of this reaction against the permissive society. 相似文献
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太平天国战争结束后,清廷和江宁将军都急欲恢复江南驻防旧制。但在筹建旗营兵房和筹补旗兵缺额时,地方督抚常以资金匮乏为由拖延执行清廷的谕令,敷衍江宁将军的重建要求,直到光绪二十四年八旗兵制改革,江宁驻防旧制也未能完全恢复。究其原因,既因为太平天国运动使得晚清的财政制度发生了巨大变革,以督抚为代表的地方政府有了很大的财政自主权,不愿意以地方所筹之饷长期供养驻防八旗,也因为驻防八旗所要恢复的以骑射为主的旧制与两江总督希望建立的以新式枪炮为主的军队新制相比落后时代太远。研究江南驻防的恢复与重建,有利于加深对晚清中央与地方、满与汉关系的理解。 相似文献
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象在古代是象征太平的瑞兽,朝仪中多所使用。为满足朝仪需要,明洪武年间在广西十万山地区特设驯象卫以捕捉、驯化野象。自建立后,其治所几经迁移,至洪武后期,最后迁至横州。作为明朝控驭桂西南民族地区重要的军事堡垒,驯象卫除捕象外,还多次参与了朝廷征剿广西少数民族的行动,为明朝在广西民族地区统治的稳定,发挥了一定的作用。至明中叶后,随着明廷驯象供应体制的建立、完善,以及在广西民族反抗频频的情况下,其职能渐由捕象、驯象向镇戍地方转变。驯象卫也由一个特殊卫所沦落为普通卫所,所统领的旗军不断减少,最后走向衰亡。这一过程也是与桂南一带因自然环境变迁导致野象种群不断减少的现实相关的。 相似文献
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《Post-Medieval Archaeology》2013,47(2):255-272
AbstractAn analysis of the material and social implications of the change of dining style from à la Française to à la Russe seen through the perspective of a documented individual, the Countess of Harewood, Diana Elizabeth Smyth, who is making preparations for a formal dinner at Harewood, West Yorkshire. Combining documentary evidence with the surviving material culture, imagined monologues are presented as they might have been delivered by the Countess in 1871, followed by explanatory commentary. The counterpoint texts create a dialogue which allows us to explain, analyse and consider the attitudes, behaviours and meanings of the dining choices made in the past, and how we create our understanding in the present. 相似文献
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ALLEN WARREN 《Parliamentary History》1990,9(1):184-196
Gladstone, Whiggery and the Liberal Party, 1874–1886 . By T. A.Jenkins. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. vi, 328 pp. £32.50.
The Gladstonian Turn of Mind: Essays Presented to J. B. Conacher . Edited by Bruce L. Kinzer. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1985. xv, 294 pp. £35.00.
Gladstone, Home Rule and the Ulster Question, 1882–93 . By James Loughlin. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. 369 pp. No price given.
Parliamentary Politics and the Home Rule Crisis: The British House of Commons in 1886 . By W. C. Lubenow. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. vii, 389 pp. £37.50.
The Gladstone Diaries with Cabinet Minutes and Prime Ministerial Correspondence, Volume IX, January 1875-December 1880 . Edited by H. C. G. Matthew. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1986. xcvii, 714 pp. £55.00.
Parnell and the First Home Rule Episode, 1884–87 . By Alan O'Day. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. x, 314 pp. £25.00. 相似文献
The Gladstonian Turn of Mind: Essays Presented to J. B. Conacher . Edited by Bruce L. Kinzer. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1985. xv, 294 pp. £35.00.
Gladstone, Home Rule and the Ulster Question, 1882–93 . By James Loughlin. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. 369 pp. No price given.
Parliamentary Politics and the Home Rule Crisis: The British House of Commons in 1886 . By W. C. Lubenow. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988. vii, 389 pp. £37.50.
The Gladstone Diaries with Cabinet Minutes and Prime Ministerial Correspondence, Volume IX, January 1875-December 1880 . Edited by H. C. G. Matthew. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1986. xcvii, 714 pp. £55.00.
Parnell and the First Home Rule Episode, 1884–87 . By Alan O'Day. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. 1986. x, 314 pp. £25.00. 相似文献
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《Post-Medieval Archaeology》2013,47(1):144-156
AbstractThis article argues for an alternative response to the 'consumer society' hypothesis for 18th-century England, which is seen to focus on large-scale development and obscure the relations between people and objects. Returning to Marx's theories regarding 'consumer fetishism' and utilising Bruno Latour's work on hybrids and the human and the non-human, the paper considers the manner in which people used objects and objects used people. Utilizing the courtesy books and 'it-narratives' of the 18th century and the later works of Jane Austen, the paper argues that goods should not be seen only as commodities. 相似文献
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赵阳阳 《中国历史地理论丛》2017,(2)
陕西镇是明代九边之一。但目前学界普遍将固原镇等同于陕西镇,认为固原镇的历史就是陕西镇的全部历史。本文以为,固原镇只是陕西镇后一个阶段。陕西镇经历了一个形成与演变的过程。天顺初,随着河套蒙古活动加剧,陕西镇守武将重设,陕西成为军镇。此后,为更好抵御蒙古,陕西镇守总兵开始移驻固原,其职责也以专门防御蒙古为主,正德时,陕西镇成为边镇,并名列九边之中。嘉靖初期,陕西总兵专驻固原成为定制,于是渐有固原镇的称呼,二者合二为一,最终固原镇的称呼成为主流。不过这仅是因地俗称的结果,其他制度并未改变。陕西镇形成与演变的历史,反映的是明中后期北部防线内缩所造成的内地边防化的尴尬和无奈。 相似文献
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抗日战争结束前,日本在明知要战败的情况下,在中国大发伪钞。大发公债,并以日本公债充为发行准备,特别是利用国民政府接收前的时间差狂发纸币,由于战后这些损失没有赔偿,从而使中国惨受通货膨胀之苦。战败前日本还利用一切手段转移对中国所欠债务,销毁证据。 相似文献
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Marian Sawer 《Australian journal of political science》2003,38(3):557-560
It is good to see more work being done on the institutionalising of ‘identity politics’, as in Elizabeth Fells' article ‘The Proliferation of Identity Politics in Australia’ in the March 2003 issue of this journal (Fells 2003). However, some assumptions in that article result in seriously misleading conclusions. I examine these here, taking the example of women's portfolios. Fells uses allocation of ministerial portfolios as an indicator of government responses to identity politics and, following Moon and Fletcher (1988), of policy innovation and policy substance. She acknowledges that governments may respond to demands that they be active in a particular area by creating portfolio responsibilities without establishing separate ministries. She suggests, however, that failure to establish a separate ministry to support the portfolio could be seen as a failure to ‘institutionalise a long-term commitment’. Hence she announces her intention to exclude from her analysis the creation of portfolios without ministries, such as the Commonwealth Status of Women portfolio, for which both the Prime Minister and a Minister Assisting the Prime Minister have responsibility (Fells 2003, 104). 相似文献
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We provide the first full account of the intertwined corporateconflicts and political tensions behind the Nigeria Debateof 8 November 1916, the beginning of the crisis that toppledthe Asquith coalition The debate had its ongins in an attemptby the Lagos authorities and the Colonial Office to break theemerging monopoly of a Ring of British firms overNigerian trade The government sought to encourage foreign (especiallyAmerican) investment with a highly publiazed sale of formerGerman assets. Sir Edward Carson, the recognized leader of politicaldiscontent, took up the firms' agitation against the policy,alleging official neglect of British interests. Bonar Law, whoas Colonial Secretary was the minister responsible, decidedto counter-attack. He argued that Carson, while claiming tobe a disinterested patriot, was defending the private interestsof profiteering firms. Spurning compromise, and demonstratingthat the issue was not a simple tariff reform/free trade choice,Bonar Law treated the debate as a test of Unionist support forhis leadership. Carson's followers privately acknowledged thatBonar Law won; but the strength of Carson's support, even witha bad case, and uncertainties about Lloyd George's position,persuaded Bonar Law that the administration could not continueon its present basis. For Asquith the endgame then began 相似文献