试论埃及穆斯林兄弟会的二重性问题

埃及穆斯林兄弟会是以宗教为基础的全方位社会政治运动 ,兼具宗教与政治、和平与暴力两种二重性。本文以这两种二重性为视角 ,解读兄弟会创始人哈桑·班纳的宗教思想和社会政治主张 ,比较系统地梳理了班纳的哈里发思想和圣战观、班纳关于统治制度的思想 ,并历史地考察了哈桑·班纳时代兄弟会运动的二重性转换和纳赛尔—萨达特时代兄弟会运动的二重性问题。     

The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and the South Sudan question: reconsidering moderation

This article examines the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) movement's stand on the South Sudan question. The aim here is to contribute to the ongoing debate over the MB's moderation. Throughout the civil war in Sudan, the MB consistently objected to South Sudanese secession. Yet, while it had traditionally framed its objection in religious terms, describing the South Sudanese struggle as a Christian conspiracy against Islam, in the decade preceding South Sudan's declaration of independence it moved to base its opposition on more practical grounds, revolving around issues such the absence of democracy, stability and infrastructure in South Sudan. This correlated with wider shifts in the MB. Since the 1990s, the movement has claimed to have undergone a transformation, adopting a moderate, pro‐democratic stance. These statements persuaded many scholars that the MB has come to represent political moderation in both its domestic and international agenda. More recent works on the movement, however, have come to question the MB's moderation hypothesis, suggesting that even though the movement has changed its discourse and some aspects of its activism, this could not be seen as a linear process of moderation. This article uses the South Sudan case to further support this critique from a foreign policy perspective. It demonstrates that even though the MB changed its tactics and discourse, its goals remained unchanged— even when the circumstances and the normative environment changed dramatically. Moreover, it shows that at times of crisis, the liberal discourse gave way to the old‐fashioned radical discourse of previous decades.     

Christian–Muslim Relations in Egypt in the Wake of the Arab Spring

The Arab Spring protests that brought massive and largely unforeseen political change to Egypt included all sectors of society, including the Egyptian Christian population, known as Copts. Copts participated in large numbers in the protests that brought about regime change in February 2011, but the broader implications of the revolution to Copts are unclear. In this essay, I address the changes in Christian–Muslim relations that attended the development of a new republican regime in Egypt as a result of the Arab Spring. While the former regime of President Hosni Mubarak had formed a stable elite partnership with the hierarchy of the Coptic Orthodox Church (a “neo‐millet” system), the 2011 revolution contributed to the erosion of this partnership in favor of a republican and pluralist model of citizenship in which individual Copts represent their own interests. The increasingly assertive public role of lay movements among Copts, coupled with the death of the Coptic Patriarch (pope) and his replacement by a younger successor, points to the continued erosion of the elite partnership in favor of the new model. Time will tell whether or not pluralist representation or a retrenched corporatism that favors the church will dominate Christian–Muslim relations in Egypt into the future.     

The Rhetoric of Rhetoric: A Review Essay of McCloskey's The Rhetoric of Economics

The homeostatic method, which was developed to reconstruct the number of inhabitants of a city or even a country in pre-statistical periods, has yet to receive much attention from demographic historians. Applied first to Amsterdam during the years from 1586 to 1865, the method has subsequently been used to compute the population of other places, including England from 1541 to 1871. The author reviews major schools of thought in historical demography and shows that the homeostatic method, with its emphasis on fertility regulated by marriages, logically extends some schools and is both simpler and more accurate than others. He then explains the method in detail, applying it to Dutch and English cases, and compares its estimates with those obtained through the use of other techniques.     

民间文化、江湖义气与会党的关系

清代秘密会党勃兴,是与当时的社会历史环境分不开的。一个日渐扩大的游民阶层是会党生存蔓延的社会基础,在民间文化基础上形成的游民文化在会党身上得到了集中体现。民间文学、戏剧中渲染的“义”的观念广泛地流传于下层社会,人们称之为“江湖义气”,会党采取拿来主义,形成了独具特色的道德观念和“法律”观念。会党是下层社会组织,无法从上层文化中吸取营养,民间文学、民间戏剧就成为他们建立自己的帮会文化的当然来源。“义”在秘密会党中无所不在,本文主要从会党的仪式、隐语、暗号、流行数字等几个方面作些叙述。会党利用并改造了民间普遍存在的兄弟结拜、江湖义气等内容,为自己的组织、活动、反抗目标服务。     

The Canadian Council of Muslim Women: A Chapter in the History of Muslim Women in Canada

We want to identify and collect data on the special need concerns, interests, talents, successes and frustrations of Canadian Muslim women; we intend to sensitize Canadian Muslim men and women, young and old, so that they may understand each other better and relate to one another more meaningfully and effectively. We want to inform and educate fellow Canadians about our Islamic heritage. We also plan to reach out to, and build coalitions with, other women's groups who share and respect our ideals and concerns. Beyond Canada, we shall join hands with sister organizations in promoting human dignity and world peace. In these endeavors, we seek your cooperation and support. The Canadian Muslim Woman is your voice. Help us make it a voice of reason and moderation.¹     

Archaeological Site Management and Local Involvement: A Case Study from Abu Rawash,Egypt

Abstract

Local involvement is an essential element of successful archaeological site management. Recognition of the role of the local community could make a great contribution in improving the present critical situation of many archaeological sites worldwide. In Egypt, where internationally renowned archaeological sites attract both academic and tourism interests, archaeological sites and monuments are suffering from different issues. Amongst the various causes is the failure to recognize the relationship between the sites and the present society — both the local community and other stakeholders — and this has negatively influenced the sites. Not only have the local communities been given limited access to knowledge, and limited opportunities to become involved in the archaeology, but also their attempts to pursue a better standard of living have been restricted for the sake of protecting the national heritage. In this article I use a case study from Abu Rawash to explore strategies that could encourage local involvement in site management, through capacity building and communication with the government and other stakeholders. Although local involvement may not provide a drastic improvement of an individual site's condition, the principle of local involvement should contribute to a general improvement in Egypt, where conservation efforts largely focus on physical materials and little attention is given to the society surrounding the archaeological remains.