国民政府与抗战时期的军人优抚

在抗战这一特殊时期,国民政府为了抗战的需要,针对军人和军人家属,制定和实施了一系列军人优抚政策和措施,主要包括3项内容:一是军人的伤亡抚恤;二是优待军人的措施;三是优待军人家属的措施。这些政策和措施内容繁多,目的在于安抚军人及其家属,支撑抗战。但在实际执行过程中,这些政策和措施却打了折扣。     

“抗战中哪有恶战，哪就有贵州兵”

2010年9月3日,《贵州商报》发表该报记者刘钰银采访余戈和黄晓峰的整版报道,用的就是这个题目。两位抗战史专家分别著有《1944：松山战役笔记》和《战场上的蒲公英》。他们在多本著作中,选用大量战史档案资料,介绍了黔籍军人参加抗战的史实。最近云南抗战史专家戈叔亚也说,贵州军人在抗战中的作用被低估了。     

拉美军人与政治：理论与范式的演进

本文介绍与分析了西方学术界在拉美军人参政这一课题的研究中曾出现的几个有重要影响的理论、范式——自由主义、新现实主义、普力夺主义理论、中产阶级军队理论、官僚权威主义理论、国家安全学说。应当说,尽管这些理论存在着很多不足之处,但是,他们在揭示拉美军人政权产生的根源、军政权的政策特点等诸多问题上提出了非常具有启发价值的观点,其观点与研究视角都值得我们借鉴。     

不解的红色情怀——访电视连续剧《雄关漫道》文学统筹、主要策划人王淼生

王淼生老师是一位军人、一位学者,一位研究中国人民解放军军史战史的专家。集军人、学者和军史专家于一身的他,除了在军史战史学术领域多有建树,还担任着中国现代史学会红色文化研究专业委员会副主任、《神州》杂志社副总编辑、中央数字电视《红色会客厅》栏目总策划、总撰稿的职务。王老为20集电视连续剧《雄关漫道》的顺利诞生,付出了辛勤的努力、凝聚了诸多的心血,电视剧的顺利播出圆了他一个红色的梦。     

香蕉皮留下的教训

1958年5月,我从部队转业到老家湖北黄陂县武装部。在武汉军人招待所休息之际,我和同住的沈阳军工厂团委陈书记一同去观看天堑变通途的武汉长江大桥。武汉长江大桥,是当时中国在苏联专家     

拉丁美洲军人干政国家的军人与民主

拉丁美洲军人干政国家中的军人是影响国家民主和民主化的重要因素之一。短期来看,拉丁美洲军人干政国家中军人对民主化的作用是不确定的：军人有时安邦定国为民主化奠定基础,有时践踏宪政成为民主化的障碍。军人干政不代表堵死民主化之路;军人返回军营也不代表通向民主化坦途。长远来看,军人干政不具备终极合法性,民主巩固的结果将是文人领军和宪政。在民主转型中的拉丁美洲军人干政国家,一方面民主转型是大势所趋,另一方面军人干政并未销声匿迹。民主的推行需要合理利用军人的积极作用,以形成独特的民主模式。     

南京大屠杀遇难同胞中究竟有多少军人

南京大屠杀遇难同胞中究竟有多少军人孙宅巍南京大屠杀３０万以上的遇难同胞中,究竟有多少放下了武器的军人？军人在遇难总人数中占多大比例？到目前为止未有较为科学的论断。弄清这一问题,对于严密论证大屠杀的遇难人数、揭露日本军国主义滥杀战俘的罪行、驳斥少数日本...     

军政部拟安置伤残军人办法史料一组

为促使战时伤残军人实现自力自给,减轻国家负担,军政部在中央及地方先后成立荣誉军人生产事业管理局与生产事务处,并拟具安置荣誉军人实施方案等一系列计划措施,以图举办伤残军人技术训练、推广工垦进行救济以及善后复健等事项.     

抗日名将何基沣非同寻常的人生之路

提起何基沣,读者或许以为他只是淮海战场起义的国民党将领,其实不然。早在1939年,何基沣就秘密加入了中国共产党,以特殊的身份在国民党军队中工作长达10年之久。直到淮海战役炮响,他才在战事最关键的时刻起义,圆满完成党组织交给的光荣任务,胜利归队了!作为爱国军人,是他在中华     

析蔡锷的政党政治观

蔡锷的政党政治观,是蔡锷政治思想的主要组成部分,其对政党及职能的看法,军人不入党论、稳健强固之政党组织论、平近渐进的国家主义政党政策观,更能折射出将军思想之异彩。     

Intellectuals,Economic Reform and Social Change: Constraints and Opportunities in the Formation of a Nigerian Technocracy

Crisis and economic reforms have changed the status of intellectuals and their relations with dominant élites and policy makers. Because of the technical and ideological nature of these reforms, policy makers have tended to rely on intellectuals as opposed to bureaucrats to shape the agenda of change. This has converted a large number of intellectuals into technocrats and undermined the fabric of academic life in universities. Nowhere is this more pronounced than in developing countries with a large middle class and an economic or financial base that ensures some degree of independence from the multilateral financial institutions. Understanding the success or failure of economic reforms in developing countries requires some analysis of the complex relations between technocrats and political leaders and the societal constraints both sets of actors face. This article explores these issues in the context of Nigeria, whose academic community, bureaucrats and professionals grew in leaps and bounds in the 1970s, following an oil-induced boom. The crisis of the 1980s led to attempts at economic reform and a highly programmed strategy of political change in which academics played a leading role. The article examines the effectiveness of intellectuals in government, and compares the Nigeria case with technocratic experiments in Ghana, Botswana and Côte d?Ivoire.     

Militarism and Human Rights

Through an analysis of the impact of military spending on economic growth, the author argues that militarism and human rights are incompatible. Implementation of the economic, social, cultural, civil and political rights set out in the International Bill of Human Rights requires national mobilization of economic resources. If limited national capital is consumed in excessive military expenditures the feasibility of rights fulfilment diminishes. The article outlines initial public policies designed to limit militarism and to allow international human rights to serve as the cornerstone of domestic and foreign policy.     

Pivoting toward Asia: Comparing the Canadian and American Policy Shifts

Both Canada and the United States have “pivoted” toward Asia in their foreign policy over the past decade, although emphases in those pivots differed between the two countries. The former focuses on an economic pivot initially, the latter on a security one. What factors explain these shifts? What was the magnitude of policy change by both? Utilizing some important theoretical works by Charles Hermann, we discuss the factors that appear to have brought about this policy change toward Asia, outline the actions and activities that both countries have initiated toward Asia in the past decade to illustrate the type and magnitude of policy change that has occurred, and compare some areas of political, economic, and military similarities between Canada and the United States toward this region. Finally, we assess the likely future of these pivots to Asia in light of the change in political leadership within both nations.     

Symbolic Meanings and the Feasibility of Policy Images: Relocating Military Bases to the Periphery in Israel

This article is aimed at crafting an interpretive policy analysis as a predictive tool by using the proposal to relocate Israeli military bases. Since the mid‐2000s, the Israeli government has promoted a new plan to transfer military bases from urban areas and central regions to the southern metropolitan area in the Negev desert. The economic and operational logic behind the program is unclear and prompts serious debate about nationality, ethnicity, economic gaps, and the environment in the Negev. This area epitomizes marginality in Israel, both socially and geographically, and is characterized by conflicts between Jews and Bedouins. Thus, the program can be regarded as one involving policy images, where potential participants lack the information necessary for understanding the goals of the policy. This paper proposes a new methodology based on interpretive policy analysis for conducting a pilot study to evaluate the feasibility and practicality of the proposed program. We use this methodology to analyze the symbolic meanings that local organizations attribute to the program with the goal of predicting their response to this program. Thus, the relocation plan serves as a template on which to develop and test the IPA‐informed evaluative methodology, which is applicable to other cases.     

Trade,Politics and the Navy in Latin America: The British in the Paraná, 1845–46

When military conflict and economic disruption in the river Plate region led to a British naval occupation of the river Paraná in 1845–46, traders from many nations followed the warships upstream hoping to conduct business in the Argentine interior and with Paraguay. Since the 1920s historians have uniformly disparaged this Paraná expedition as a commercial failure, insisting that the foreign intruders found neither trade nor welcome among the local populations. In Argentine historiography, the episode is consistently presented as a successful assertion of national identity in the face of European imperial assault. Research here, however, demonstrates not only the expedition's economic success but, again contrary to established opinion, its military and strategic achievements, before the British government abandoned its policy of armed intervention. The Paraná was eventually opened to foreign navigation by international treaties in 1853.     

LIVING WITH THE LONG CYCLE TODAY

There is a need for a new rationale to guide American security policy, including arms control and disarmament. In light of fundamental changes in the external and internal environment, American security policy would appear to have to rest on the following four assumptions: (1) the multiplication of threats, allies, and adversaries; (2) the disparity between greater absolute military power at the disposal of the United States and greater relative impotence in wielding it to influence events abroad; (3) the globalization yet divisibility of American and international security, economic, and political regime interests; and (4) the persistence of divided domestic consensus as the shaky basis from which to project American military power to shape the international environment in ways congenial to often conflicting American preferences.     

Beyond the carrot and stick: the political economy of US military aid to China, 1945–1951

By applying the rent-seeking assumption and sifting through both the archival materials and published historical documents, this article revisits the US–China relationship during the Chinese Civil War (1946–1949) and the early Cold War period, when the United States was caught in the conundrum of aiding the Chinese Nationalists led by Chiang Kai-shek. As military aid is usually regarded as an important representation of broader economic aid, this research mainly concentrates on the US military assistance to postwar Nationalist China. This topic is important, as it signifies a direct American involvement in the Chinese Civil War, when the influence of the United States in postwar world politics was overwhelmingly predominant. As a result, postwar Chinese history might be reevaluated in a broader global postwar context. In addition, this article also tells the story about rent-seeking behaviors in the complicated US–China military relations during the early Cold War period at both micro and macro levels. When it came to US military assistance to China, the formulation of policy was perennially in the name of one's best interest.     

Horror,hubris and humanity: the international engagement with Africa, 1914–2014

This article examines the international engagement with Africa from the First World War and the apex of colonial rule through to the present day. It is argued that there have been dramatic shifts throughout this period—from increasing interventionism on the part of the colonial state, to decolonization and the emergence of nation‐states with independent foreign policy programmes, to the predations and influences of the Cold War, to the developmentalism and humanitarianism of the contemporary era. Yet, there has also been marked continuity in terms of policy, perception and practice. In particular, Africa has long been seen in terms of economic opportunity—a place where markets and raw materials abound—and of military and political threat, a place in which intrinsic instability makes external intervention both desirable and inevitable. While immediate contexts have changed over time, the international engagement with the continent remains essentially economic and military. A concern for democratization and development represents a relatively new element, although even this can be traced to the paternalistic humanitarianism of the colonial era and, earlier still, moral stances toward Africa in the nineteenth century.     

Canadian Diplomacy and the 1982 Falklands War

As a case study, Canadian diplomacy during the Falklands War is emblematic of the confused, and at times contradictory, components of Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau's utopic and idealistic foreign policy. Canada's diplomatic actions during the war were based on four principles. The first, and most significant, was the safeguarding of what were deemed to be Canada's economic interests: chiefly nuclear exports. The second was Trudeau's ‘Third Option’ policy and the belief of ‘the vital importance of the North-South dynamic to Canada’. Third was the desire to distance Canadian foreign policy, economics, and military commitments from those of both the United States and Great Britain. Trudeau had mixed feelings about the Commonwealth and disliked both President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. Lastly, during the war Canadian politicians and diplomats took the position of an ambiguous neutrality to protect and promote what they perceived to be Canadian interests. Many of the political and economic decisions made by Canada during the Falklands War were met by harsh criticism nationally and internationally in both public and political spheres.     

Closing the Neoliberal Gap: Risk and Regulation in the Long War of Securitization

Abstract: When US military commanders refer today to the “long war”, they could more instructively refer to the “long war of securitization”, involving both practices of war and reconstruction that have always been based on a therapeutic logic of preemption and an endgame of protection from global economic risk. Since the early 1980s, the centrepiece of US foreign policy has been the securitization of the Persian Gulf region, with the newly created United States Central Command (CENTCOM) given the task of effecting a grand strategy that has subsequently been consistently based on two interrelated tactics: first, the discursive identification and positing of the Persian Gulf as a precarious yet pivotal geoeconomic space, essential to US and global economic health; and second, the enactment of a dual military–economic securitization strategy to secure, patrol and regulate designated “vital interests” in the region. With the rhetorical power of “risk management” perhaps more palpable today than ever, this paper reflects on the neoliberal discourses of “risk” and “regulation” that sustain a “long war” in which the perennial potentiality of a volatile global political economy necessitates securitization by US military force.