对俄国自由主义的理论探讨

自由主义首先是一种政治思潮,其次是一种社会政治运动,再次是某种政治制度和管理原则的总和。自由主义是古代西欧明的创造,于近代形成为体系,并蔓延到东欧国家。俄国自由主义大体上是从外部引进的,并在发展过程中出现了许多的类型和派别,其中最重要的是立宪主义。俄国自由主义在实质方面与西方自由主义相同,但它的形成与发展过程困难重重,缺少相应的社会环境。俄国自由派脱离人民,成为一种“少数人的运动”,并且由于诸多原因最终走向失败。     

储安平自由主义思想评析

储安平是我国一位名的自由主义。他对自由的概念做了具有英国特色的界定,认为自由是指不受政治约束的权利,自由不是一种抽象的概念,而是一些具体的权利,自由也不等于放纵,而是与守法相结合的。储安平提出,自由分政治自由和社会自由两种,并认为中国人所享有的政治自由较少而社会自由较多。储安平的自由主义思想是爱国主义的、进步的和理想化的。     

力求平衡的自由主义——密尔政治思想中的自由与功利原则

密尔作为推动自由主义从近代向现代转型的政治思想家在自由主义思想史上具有举足轻重的地位。但有批评者指出其思想中的自由原则和功利原则存在不可调和的矛盾。纵观密尔的政治思想,他在努力实现二者的平衡。人的自主性和社会性使密尔摒弃了原子式个人主义,个人在促进自由的同时,对社会进步负有道德上的义务。尖锐的社会矛盾让密尔意识到二者平衡的必要性;功利原则的人性化和务实性使社会进步的同时个人自由也得到最大限度的维护,使二者平衡具有可能性;通过教育、精英人物的示范及重新认识政府的职能使这种平衡具有可行性。     

现代评论派政治理念及其困境探析

现代评论派作为自由主义政治派别,通过政论时评积极宣扬其政治理念,内容主要包括个人自由观、法治观、渐进改良观、精英政治观等,不过囿于现实社会的黑暗与压迫,和政治理念本身的软弱,最终导致现代评论派陷入"无地自由"的尴尬境地。通过考察现代评论派政治理念的成因和表现,以及其政治理念所面临的困境,将有助于剖析自由主义知识分子群体的政治态度和思想文化,为探究自由主义思潮在近代中国的流变提供一个入手的角度。     

章士钊《甲寅》时期自由主义政治思想评析

《甲寅》月刊时期,是章士钊一生思想影响最大的时期,也是他自由主义政治思想的巅峰时期。这一时期,他以功利主义的理论系统地清理国家与个人的关系,批驳专制集权理论,捍卫民主政治的价值,提出了调和立国论。他一方面十分关注国家的强大,一方面又关注个人的自由权利;一方面认定中国应当走民主政治的道路,一方面又为中国的现实条件所困;一方面希望中国能够以和平有序的方式实现政治的转型,一方面又在现实的逼迫下承认革命的正当性。他的困惑在中国近代自由主义者当中具有相当的典型意义。     

梁启超有中国特色的自由思想——基于比较的视角

自由主义是西方社会的主要思潮之一,在发展过程中虽流派众多,却有着一以贯之的基本特征。梁启超作为近代中国引进自由主义思潮的先驱人物,其自由思想主要源于西方,在引进的过程中结合晚清社会语境做了一定的修正,形成了独具中国特色的自由主义思想。本文旨在通过对近代西方自由主义思想基本特征的把握,在比较视野下探究梁启超的自由主义思想,认识其在中国思想史上的重要地位作用。     

中国近代报刊公共空间建构的可能性及其困境 ——以1932年《申报·自由谈》为例

救亡图存语境下,近代报刊公共空间的建构与其时社会、政治语境有密切关系.《申报·自由谈》是近代中国著名的报纸副刊.1932年留法归国的青年黎烈文主编《自由谈》,期间所进行的改革引人注目,构建起中国近代报刊史上为数不多的公共舆论空间.20世纪30年代,中国面临着对外抗击日军侵略、对内停止内战这一时代主题,《自由谈》的改版恰与时代主题相勾连,使其报刊公共空间的建构成为可能.《自由谈》编辑"兼容并包"的编辑思路集结了当时国内重要的作家,形成多元化的作家群体,而作家群体私人性的杂文写作则成为《自由谈》公共领域的独特话语表述方式.然而,缺乏广泛社会基础的《自由谈》公共空间在国民政府的强力压迫之下难逃"再封建化"的宿命.     

论“五四”时期高一涵的自由主义观念

自由主义与近代中国知识分子问题的研究是近十几年来国内学界的一个热点。本试图采用微观实证的研究方法,依据高一涵“五四”时期在《新青年》等刊物上发表的论和译作,对他的自由主义观念加以具体的分析与评述。为了深化研究主题,作采用了对比分析的研究范式,将高一涵与不同时代的西方思想人物和《新青年》群体其他代表人物加以比较。作认为“五四”时期高一涵的自由主义观念既有显的个性特征,也有那个时代的一些共性特征。他对“自由主义”、“个人主义”、“民主”、“法治”等概念的分析论述,大大超越了《新青年》群体的一般认知,但他依然无法彻底摆脱中国传统的泛道德政治观和欧美各国唯心主义思想的影响。本的分析论述不但有助于我们了解自由主义观念在“五四”时期的具体表现形态,而且可以揭示“五四”知识分子群体思想转变的多种动因。     

自由与五四启蒙

五四新文化运动作为中国现代化运动的一个重要阶段,是一场以人的现代化为其宗旨的思想启蒙运动。在五四启蒙中,中国知识精英以西方近代人本主义为主要思想武器,开展了一场批判传统文化价值和塑造现代主体人格的思想变革。自由这一体现人的     

家族式自由命题的语言分析学解读

自由是一个含义丰富而又模糊的概念,从而以"自由"为学理范畴的各种"主义"和学说呈现出家族性和多态性,以致中国近现代知识分子在言说西方自由主义的过程中出现了"中国化"症结,产生了诸多似是而非、莫明其妙的论争话题,借助语言分析学的认识论和方法论来解读家族式"自由"命题,可以厘清当前我国学界言说西方自由主义的概念含混与意图谬见,并进一步认识和把握经典马克思主义关于"人的自由"学说的科学含义。     

Liberal Evolutionism and the Satirical Ape

This article considers intersections between the doctrines of mid-Victorian liberalism and biological evolution using 1860s caricatures and satires from Punch. In the years following the 1859 publication of John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty and Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species, caricatures featuring satirical apes illustrated mutually supportive cultural attitudes about politics and science. Ideas of character united the discourses of mid-Victorian evolutionism with liberalism, and the confluence of these ideas, or what I term liberal evolutionism, dramatized this overlap for Victorian culture. My project shows that the apes depicted in Punch were often intended as not only whimsical responses to the theories put forward by Darwin and Mill, they also point to the formation of the British subject.     

Liberal intolerance in European education debates

The reaction against non‐western immigrants and especially Muslims has been analysed both in terms of an exclusionary civic nationalism and in terms of an assertive liberalism. Similar to exclusionary civic nationalism, assertive liberalism purports to defend liberal democratic principles and society against illiberal principles and forces predominantly represented by Muslims. This article argues that nationalism and liberalism are analytically distinguishable but difficult to disentangle empirically. It contends that a more detailed analysis of assertive liberalism can be obtained by subdividing it into four categories of liberal intolerance and demonstrates this by analysing six national debates on the accommodation of cultural and religious diversity in education. The analysis indicates that the nature of liberal intolerance understood as the combination of the four categories of liberal intolerance varies with the state tradition regarding religious neutrality of public institutions and the type of welfare state, but also that many liberal arguments for and against accommodation repeat themselves across national contexts.     

German modernity,barbarous Slavs and profit‐seeking Jews: the cultural racism of nationalist liberals

This paper examines emblematic texts by two important protagonists of post‐1848 liberalism in Germany, Gustav Freytag and Heinrich von Treitschke, focusing on their treatment of Jews and Poles. The paper analyses the social content of their statements and argues that the elements of anti‐Semitism and anti‐Slav racism that they contain were motivated by the specific kind of nationalist liberalism that frames their affirmation of the process of modernisation. This affirmation was directed against the Poles on the one hand, seen as backward Easterners who had to be pushed into civilisation by Prussian–German colonialism, and, on the other hand, the Jews, largely perceived as representing the wrong kind of modernity against which benign (supposedly German) modernity had to be protected. At the same time, the image of the Jew in Freytag and Treitschke also participates in that of the backward Easterner, permitting to see undesirable, allegedly Jewish aspects of modernity also as distortions resulting from an alien and ancient culture. This analysis has consequences for theorisations of both liberalism and nationalism: it suggests that the racism and anti‐Semitism of nationalist liberals were intrinsically related to core aspects of the liberal world‐view rather than being merely contingent opinions held by particular individuals. It also indicates that the nationalism of many German post‐1848 liberals was ethnic as well as liberal. In this way, the paper contributes to the growing body of literature discussing the illiberal aspects of liberalism as well as the shortcomings of the long‐established conceptual dichotomy of ethnic vs. liberal nationalism.     

柏克政治思想述评

柏克的政治思想内容庞杂,学界争论也较多,尽管一般地他被看做保守主义的教父,但同时也具有自由主义的面相。要完整地把握柏克的思想,似需从两方面着手：（1）在英国及其殖民地政治事务上,他常常表现出自由主义的一面。不过,从英格兰政治思想史角度来看,则背离了洛克所奠基的自由主义原则。（2）在法国革命问题上,他的思想表现出更多的保守主义成分,且这一思想直接导致了辉格党的分裂,却也砥砺了后来的保守党;这种保守主义思想应用于英国及其殖民地的政治事务也许是适当的,但若用来指导其他国家则是荒谬的,甚或是“反动的”。     

Critical Nationalism: A Liberal Prescription?

Abstract. In this article I examine the coherence of ‘liberal nationalism’, namely, the attempt to combine liberal and nationalist ideas. Attempts have been made to marry these ideas because of the belief that nationalism has continuing influence and importance for the achievement of liberal objectives, such as respect for identity, democracy and justice. Two central ideas in liberalism are the idea of self‐respect as a primary good and the idea of critical reflectiveness. A central idea in nationalism is the idea of the importance of the nation as a community. If critically reflective individuals are to possess self‐respect then, I argue, the value of membership of particular national communities needs to be argued for against criticism. By rejecting an appeal to universal principles, however, nationalists are unable to provide a reasoned defence of the importance of particular national communities, and therefore unable to satisfy the liberal commitment to self‐respect resulting from critical reflection on membership of a national community. The particularism of nationalism, indeed, pulls against the universalism of liberalism so that ‘liberal nationalism’ constitutes an incoherent construct.     

Imperial Liberalism and Institution Building at the End of Empire in Africa

ABSTRACT

This article discusses political liberalism at the end of empire in British Africa through analysis of British ideas about institution building below the level of parliamentary democracies. It suggests that while processes of institution-building have largely been discussed through the prism of development, they also constitute fruitful sites for the exploration of British ideas about the nature of politically-liberal systems. I argue that new articulations of an imperial liberalism during decolonisation had an energising effect on some Britons within domestic institutions whose expertise was called upon to assist with the development of successor institutions in emergent states. As they engaged in a process of institution-building, these individuals acted in ways that were not only determined by Western liberalism, but also by distinctive British ideas of the appropriate relationship of institutions to the state. I suggest, however, that while their approach to institution building in emergent states reflected deep rooted convictions about the kind of institutions that were essential to the operation of politically liberal systems, these ideals were in tension with more self-interested concerns which could in practice compromise efforts to replicate British institutions.     

Reasonableness,Rationality and Government: The Liberal Political Thought of Mehdi Ha'eri Yazdi

Rawls formulates liberalism according to two conceptions of reasonable and rational, which, tied to two particular notions of society and person, define the basis of liberalism in Rawlsian thought. This article argues that Mehdi Haeri Yazdi's important work, Hekmat va Hokumaat, should be considered as a work of liberal theory, and shows how it endorses liberal conceptions of the reasonable and the rational. The main elements of Ha'eri's liberalism are his thesis that philosophy has priority over jurisprudence, his doctrine of contract based upon concepts of agency contract (aqd-e vekalat) and joint private ownership (malekiyat-e shakhsi-ye musha), and his defense of individualism against the alleged collectivism of Rousseau.     

Liberal Government,Civil Society and Faith Communities

Abstract

This article explores the relationship between faith communities and the liberal system of government which operates in contemporary Britain. The problem addressed is as follows: liberal democracy relies upon the assumption of the validity of certain general truths: human rights, social justice, individual autonomy, and so on. In our postmodern society, however, social fragmentation has eroded the validity of such assumptions, leaving no universal or neutral benchmark through which to judge competing truth-claims. In particular, different faith traditions posit potentially incommensurable claims about what constitutes a good society. This article assesses the suggestion that in our pluralistic and differentiated society, more and more social decisions should be left to the market or to private rather than collective judgment and responsibility. It suggests various possibilities for reconceptualizing liberalism: for instance, as a modus vivendi providing a framework within which different moral outlooks can ‘live and let live’, but suggests that liberalism can have a positive moral content of its own, and need not be merely a coping mechanism for dealing with diversity.     

Order and chance,the pattern of Diderot's thought

This article sets out to show that it is more precise to speak of different liberal traditions than it is to speak of liberalism in general. The argument is pursued by showing how contrary to French liberalism, which has a strong republican element, and in contrast with English and Scottish liberalism, which reserve an important place for political economy, there is also a central European liberalism with a marked philosophical dimension. This particular form of liberalism is analysed by examining the writings of Kant, Simmel and Freud. It is stated at the outset that critiques of liberalism often fail to appreciate the richness and diversity of liberal thinking, and that this depth must be borne in mind in any effective critique. It is explained that there are indeed grounds to critique liberal thought and practice, but that these grounds are obscured by lumping distinct and heterogeneous traditions together as if they all suffered from the same defects.     

Some Reflections on Michael Walzer's Politics and Passion

Abstract

Michael Walzer's new book, Politics and Passion, is the attempt of a major liberal political theorist to modify the essentially triumphalist individualist thrust of much of liberalism. It is written in the spirit of the later work of John Rawls, who tried to listen to the communitarian critique of liberalism and then incorporate it in his more modest version of liberalism instead of letting it coopt liberalism. That effort, though, is much more carefully and extensively worked out by Walzer than by Rawls. Nevertheless, Walzer cannot accept any central normative role for religion in the life of a liberal polity, especially for the type of family-central, traditional community presented by Judaism and Christianity. Since most communitarians are religious, it is arguable whether they can accept the political role religion have been assigned in the liberal project by Walzer. Indeed, it can be argued that Walzer, like almost all liberals, assigns a much too ultimate role for freedom, making it the end of liberal striving and seeing it in opposition to and escape from more traditional forms of social life. It is thus argued that the individual freedom Walzer sees as transcending (although never completely) familial-religious community can be better achieved there, functioning more modestly and realistically as one of the best means to the common good and, therefore, not in opposition to it.