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De nombreux philosophes anglo-saxons de tradition analytique nient qu’un animal puisse penser, ou qu’on puisse accéder à sa subjectivité. Nous développons une réponse alternative. La légitimité d’une évaluation de l’intelligence de l’animal repose d’abord sur une familiarité acquise à son contact au cours d’une histoire partagée. Elle est propre à celui qui vit avec un animal mais aussi à l’expert qui a acquis une connaissance de l’animal à la suite d’une pratique professionnelle élaborée. C’est parce que nous interagissons avec l’animal comme s’il était un sujet que nous sommes prêts à lui accorder une intelligence susceptible de rendre intelligibles nos relations avec lui. L’intelligence d’un même animal n’est pas fixée une fois pour toutes. Elle est en partie dépendante des dispositifs humains dans lesquels elle se trouve impliquée. La question d’une véritable zoologie se pose, qui étudie l’intelligence du vivant dans la perspective des sciences sociales aussi bien que dans celle de la biologie.  相似文献   

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This article compares different historical accounts of early Christianity written by François Guizot, Benjamin Constant and Madame de Staël and shows that they played a significant role in the construction of their ideas about religious tolerance and political liberty in ancient and modern states. In his 1812 translation of Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Guizot used his editorial footnotes to oppose Gibbon’s sceptical representation of the early Church and to assert that the development of Christianity had been crucial in condemning slavery, establishing religious toleration and fostering individual liberty. Benjamin Constant also opposed Gibbon’s representation of early Church history but he argued in his posthumously published Du polythéisme romain (1833) that the key achievement of the early Christians had been to revive the idea of individual religious sentiment against the anti-individualist Roman state. As Guizot developed his historical research in the 1820s he rejected this view and came to see the early Christians as demonstrating the inherently social nature of all religious practice. Some of these ideas were anticipated by Madame de Staël in De la littérature (1800), but all three thinkers sought to reintegrate religion into their ideas of modern liberty in ways that merit greater attention.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Teresa de Jesús (known as Teresa de Ávila in the English-speaking world) began life in a comfortable, merchant-class family. The daughter and granddaughter of conversos, she was one of twelve children (two from the first marriage of Don Alonso de Cepeda, Teresa's father, and ten from the second). She received a good education for a girl of her period and class, probably learning to read and write from parents and tutors, and then studying at a convent boarding school. She undoubtedly learned the importance of letter writing from her father, as business in early modern Europe was conducted largely through correspondence. Although traditional biographers paint a romanticized view of Teresa's girlhood, a careful reading of her Vida, letters, and other documents reveals that there were many strains on the Cedepa-Ahumada household. Among the causes were the Cepedas' deteriorating financial situation, societal pressures on conversos, the death of Teresa's mother, tensions among the siblings, the departure of Teresa's brothers for the New World, and Teresa's illness.  相似文献   

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This article analyses Mme de Staël's ideas on liberty as they were expressed in Lettres sur les ouvrages et le caractère de J.-J. Rousseau of 1788–1789. Lettres sur les ouvrages et le caractère de J.-J. Rousseau was a reaction to highly polemical debates on liberty that originated in the discourse on natural sociability and that existed in the Parisian salon society between the 1770s and 1780s. Staël combined the two opposing philosophical and economic viewpoints, by the philosophes and Rousseau on the one hand and by Necker and the economists on the other, into a set of liberal values applicable to a new political era despite some self-contradictions. As such, Staël sustained the intellectual legacy of the French enlightenment into revolutionary France.  相似文献   

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During the years he was involved in French parliamentary politics, Alexis de Tocqueville was obsessed with the issue of political corruption. This article presents the first sustained analysis of Tocqueville’s speeches and writings on French corruption. It examines Tocqueville’s initial encounter with corruption during his run for parliamentary office, his sophisticated account of the sources of corruption, and his strategies for reforming French politics. The article contends that taking seriously Tocqueville’s struggle against corruption has the effect of complicating several conventional interpretations of his thought. In his speeches and writings on corruption Tocqueville shows himself remarkably willing to compromise with, even to work with, centralisation. And he argues that in a nation like France which lacks substantial local self-government, a vibrant parliamentary politics could be an effective means for promoting energetic civic participation.  相似文献   

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The European elections in France in June 1999 were held in a context dominated by the confused state of national political parties, and against the background of the continuing Kosovo crisis. The elections reflected to a considerable degree the fragmentary nature of party politics in France. The Left is composed of a coalition of diverse parties, including the Greens (Verts), while the Right is in disarray, both in the mainstream and on the margins. This article provides an analytical overview of the campaign and results.  相似文献   

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Georg Misch, author of a monumental history of autobiography, puts Dilthey’s principles to work: the narrative of a life is as old as history, but it is modified according to the period, and the determinations that it receives in the classical age orient it toward describing the laws of individual development.  相似文献   

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