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Abstract

The site of ancient Kish consists of a series of mounds about eight miles east of Babylon in the flood plain between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. On several of the eastern mounds extensive remains of the Sumerian (Early Dynastic = ED) period in the early 3rd millenium B.C. were excavated in the 1920s. Among these remains was a cemetery in which were found many examples of a distinctive kind of pottery, the so-called “goddess-handled jars,” which have come to be associated with the last phase of the period and thus to serve as a criterion for dating sites where these occur.

It will be argued here that such jars were actually manufactured over a longer span of time within the Early Dynastic period and that they are therefore a less precise instrument for dating than has been believed. In my view their absence from some sites is to be explained not by chronology but by regional differences. If this argument is correct, then the dating of a number of Early Dynastic sites will have to be re-examined with greater attention to regional considerations that have often been overlooked in the past.  相似文献   

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Conventional wisdom suggests that the peoples of the Northwest Coast did not cultivate plants prior to European contact. Considerable evidence suggests the contrary, however, particularly the well-documented practice of estuarine root gardening among the Kwakwaka'wakw and other indigenous peoples of the region. These gardens were maintained through transplanting, weeding, selective harvesting, soil modifications, and the production of mounds or low terrace-like structures within individually demarcated root plots. The scholarly oversight of these practices can be attributed to a number of biases rooted in the colonial and academic agendas of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In turn, scholarly legitimation of the region's “nonagricultural” label has served to undermine indigenous land claims on estuarine sites into the present day.  相似文献   

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This research note replicates Leigh's (2008) analysis of pork-barrelling in Australian politics and tests the validity of his findings using geographic techniques. Distributive politics is integral to nearly all theories of legislative politics because it is fundamental to the connection between legislators and constituents, and can be used to facilitate coalition-building. This note addresses an aspect of pork-barrelling that has been overlooked in most previous scholarship. It argues that distributive politics is, at its core, a geographic, constituency-centred process. It is therefore essential to reconsider the conventional models and take geography into account in both substantive and statistical terms. To that end, we replicate several of Leigh's results using a relatively new technique, Geographically Weighted Regression, and reveal substantial spatial heterogeneity in the coefficients. Our findings highlight the importance of political geography and have important implications for studies of legislative politics and elections.

本文重复了李(2008)对澳大利亚政治分肥拨款的分析,用地理学技术检测了其发现有效性。分配政治内在于几乎所有的立法政治理论,因为它是立法者与选民之间联系的基础,有利于联盟的构建。本文探讨了分肥拨款被以往学术研究所忽略的一个方面。作者认为,分配政治其核心是一个地理的、以选区为中心的过程。因此有必要重新检讨固有的模式,切实而且从统计的意义上采纳地理的视角。我们使用了一种相对新近的技术,即地理加权回归分析来重复李的几个成果,发现空间同质系数很高。我们的发现突出了政治地理的重要性,对于立法政治以及选举的研究有参考意义。  相似文献   


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龙秀清 《世界历史》2002,23(6):57-68
学术界一般认为,天主教是一种保守而顽固的封建势力,阻碍了西方社会的近代转型。本通过对近代早期教廷财政制度的考察,认为从15世纪起,罗马教廷的经济生活方式发生了变化,从依赖其封建特权为生到运用现代金融手段度日。这一变化不仅改变了教廷传统的财政机制,也使教廷财政与近代金融市场融为一体,迫使教廷的经济生活纳入新的经济秩序与经济原则的运行中。教廷特权阶层已与商人、银行家等资产家族结成同盟。这证明近代早期的罗马教廷并不比当时欧洲的任何世俗政府更为保守,其制度变迁并不是反常的逆流。  相似文献   

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鸦片战争前的鸦片贸易再研究   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
鸦片战争前的鸦片贸易问题一向为中外研究所重视,但因各种原因,迄今为止,对当时对华鸦片贸易状况的所有统计和描述都在不同程度上存在着不够准确、不够完整之处。鸦片战争前发行于广州的英《广州纪事报》和《广州周报》保存了持续多年、即时公布的有关鸦片贸易的丰富资料,为重新统计1821-1839年期间各年度各种鸦片的贸易数量、价格和贸易额,从而比较完整、准确地显示这一时期的鸦片贸易状况提供了可能。综合前人的研究和新发现的资料,可知在鸦片战争前的18年中,平均每年有1万多箱鸦片输入和1000多万两白银被掠夺,这一数字虽不如以往有的研究所揭示的那么庞大,但已足以揭露鸦片贩子和其背后的利益集团的掠夺本性。  相似文献   

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The view of local governors in the Russian Empire as all-powerful is overly simplistic and cannot in itself explain the Russian Revolution of 1917.  相似文献   

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胡坚 《清史研究》2002,(2):102-105
多尔衮所封王爵汉号颖亲王之推测@胡坚$南京大学历史系~~  相似文献   

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对法国“五月风暴”的再思考   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
郑春生 《世界历史》2003,1(6):36-43
196 8年 ,欣欣向荣的法国突然爆发了全面的危机 ,这对戴高乐的政治生命产生了重大影响 ,也引起他对造成这一事件原因的思考。他认为主要是教育中存在的问题和一些严重的社会问题 ,如住宅问题、通货膨胀、贫富差距等和心理原因造成的。本文作者从资本主义基本矛盾、国家利益与个人利益的矛盾及国际环境的影响三个方面阐述对这一问题的看法  相似文献   

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从贵州辛亥革命前贵州省情:“新政”之于贵州社会的影响,乡绅、绅商、立充派的作用的重新认识等方面切入,说明贵州辛亥革命的发生是社会共识的形成,几种主要社会势力合力作用的结果。  相似文献   

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In this introduction we argue that access and property regarding natural resources are intimately bound up with the exercise of power and authority. The process of seeking authorizations for property claims also has the effect of granting authority to the authorizing politico‐legal institution. In consequence, struggles over natural resources in an institutionally pluralist context are processes of everyday state formation. Through the discussion of this theoretical proposition we point to legitimizing practices, territoriality and violence as offering particular insights into the recursively constituted relations between struggles over access and property regarding natural resources, contestations about power and authority, and state formation.  相似文献   

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金建国于何年?国号年号又为何?史书有不同的记载,金史研究中也有不同的见解。在《金史》与宋、辽、元人所著文献对比运用时,更应重视《金史》的史料价值。在没有确凿证据以前,《金史》所记金开国史,即金于1115年建国,国号金、年号收国,仍是值得采信的。  相似文献   

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董仲舒将“人性”范畴界定为人的自然性,但这种自然性不同于庄子的“自然性”,董仲舒把儒家伦理价值观念也论证为人的自然本性。善恶等人伦观念作为一种莱布尼茨意义上的“预定和谐”先在性地包容于人性范畴中,而后又展现于每个人的本性之中。因此,将董仲舒的人性论概括为“天赋善恶论”,似乎更符合其原意。重视人的自我创造性与自我超越性,是中国古代人性理论一大特点,而这一点又恰恰正是中西人性学说的会通之处。  相似文献   

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This essay re-examines the resignation of the Conservative TreasuryMinisters in January 1958. It focuses on the political economyof both party and official discussion of inflation, and paysparticular attention to the issue of whether the debate In 1957-8witnessed a dispute between ‘monetarists’ and ‘Keynesians’.it shows that the Chancellor, Thorneycroft, and other Conservatives,including Macmillan, saw the contribution of the monetary systemto inflation in terms of inadequate government control overthe banking system and private credit as much as in terms ofthe level of public expenditure. It concludes that the theoreticaland policy assumptions underpinning the 1957–8 debatehave no direct link with, and did not anticipate, Thatcheriteideas, but that there was an indirect link in terms of sharedperceptions of the social politics of inflation. * I would like to express my thanks to the Minda de GunzbergCenter for European Studies. Harvard University for appointingme to a Visiting Scholarship during my sabbatical in the autumnof 1997, during which time this article was written.  相似文献   

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