经济外交与冷战史研究新视野

经济外交是认识和理解冷战历史的重要研究角度。经济外交与对外经济战略、对外经济关系、私人企业对外交往活动有着较为明显的联系与区别。对外援助是经济外交最重要的表现形式。美国相关解密外交档案的启示作用,一是帮助澄清了经济外交是美国实现冷战目标的最重要工具之一;二是冷战时期美国对第三世界国家实施的经济援助计划,是其遏制苏联大战略的有机组成部分。     

The Pluralist Paradox: The Decline of Economic Interest Groups in Zambia in the 1990s

New democracies attempting to implement political and economic reform simultaneously are considered to face a dilemma, as democratization may undermine economic reform by encouraging political participation and empowering interest groups that are unlikely to benefit from reform. This article compares relations between interest groups and the government under one‐party and multiparty rule in Zambia. Contrary to the assumptions of pluralist theory, the article argues that the influence of interest groups declined as a result of political and economic liberalization. Political liberalization in Zambia has so far resulted in a proliferation of civic associations and a weakening of corporatist links between the state and economic interest groups that had been granted some real influence in the previous authoritarian regime. This ‘pluralist paradox’ has meant, at least in the initial phases of multiparty rule, that interest group resistance has not constituted a significant threat to the sustainability of the reform programme, or to the electoral prospects of the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD).     

The return of the state in Argentina

Argentina's economic collapse in December 2001 is seen as perhaps the most emblematic evidence of the failure of neoliberalism to provide sustainable and equitable economic growth in the developing world. A new policy frame has gradually emerged in Argentina which relies on a more active statein the promotion of growth. This article examines what state‐led growth can mean in the context ofopen markets. It explores in detail the policies implemented since 2002 and asks to what extent they constitute a possible route to stable post‐crisis governance.     

20世纪30年代初中国知识界的社会主义思潮

1929-1933年的经济危机使西方资本主义世界陷入经济、政治、信仰危机的深渊.资本主义的吸引力日益削弱;而这时社会主义国家苏联的第一个五年计划却取得了辉煌成绩,创造了"孤岛繁荣"的奇迹,社会主义的魅力迅速彰显;在危机打击下,资本主义国家加强对华经济掠夺,日本则悍然发动侵华战争,中华民族危机陡然增加.这些因素构成30年代初中国知识界社会主义思潮兴起的直接诱因.中国知识界的社会主义思潮在苏联完成"一五计划"和欧美经济危机最严重的1932-1933年间达到高潮,其后,由于民族危机加深、民族主义思潮高涨而逐渐趋向低落,并最终被掩盖于抗日战争的浪潮之下.概言之,中国知识界的社会主义思潮大致可以分为热谈苏联和社会主义、探讨苏联"一五计划"成功的原因以及追求社会主义三个既有联系而内涵又各有不同的层次.与五四时期的社会主义思潮相比较,30年代初的社会主义思潮带有浓厚的计划经济气息和缺少理论上的建树两个显著特点.     

“文化大革命”与当代中国改革模式的选择

中国渐进式改革模式的选择与“文化大革命”有必然联系。“文化大革命”导致的中国经济结构不合理 ,重工业增长很快 ,能源工业呈超速增长 ,这是一种粗放型的增长 ,它为国民经济其他部门的增长留下了巨大的潜力 ;农业在国民经济体系中增长缓慢和人民生活水平的增长十分缓慢 ,使农业的发展和提高人民生活水平的潜力更大 ;整个经济活动中效益下降 ,为以后加强管理 ,提高经济效益留下了余地。总之 ,“文化大革命”把中国经济拖到了崩溃的边缘 ,为原有体制能量的释放留下了巨大的回旋空间 ,这就是中国在改革开放之初走上渐进式改革道路的一个重要的原因。经历了十年动乱的中国人民 ,普遍的心态是要求社会稳定以及中国共产党对“文化大革命”教训的客观总结 ,构成中国走上渐进式改革方式的另外两个重要原因     

The Politics of Economic Diversification: Reconceptualizing the Rural Informal Sector in South-east Tanzania

This study examines how economic diversification is changing a Tanzanian village under economic liberalization. More specifically, it asks how different wealth groups are able to incorporate income-generating activities into their livelihood strategies. The conclusion is that while diversification (as a division of labour) is advanced at the village level, it appears that different activities enhance the division of the village into segregated cultural spheres and increase economic differentiation. At village level the diversity of income-generating activities reduces any single line of economic dependency either on the state or on market actors.     

The Viability of the United Nations Approach to Economic and SocialHuman Rights in a Globalized Economy

The United Nations approaches economic and social human rights through a framework of legal positivism. States are called on to respect, protect and fulfil their legal obligations contained in international human rights law. The state remains ultimately responsible for guaranteeing these economic and social human rights. This article explores the viability of this statist approach in this era of economic globalization. The less developed countries often face economic deprivation caused not by state action/inaction but by the global economic system itself. In many key respects states appear to be losing their capacity to regulate their economies and labour markets effectively. Yet despite the shrinking nature of our global community, the state is still central in the creation of the proper environment for the fulfilment of these rights. This article analyses the national strategies that governments can pursue to respect, protect and fulfil the economic and social rights of their citizens, and thus meet their international legal obligations.     

The Significance and Role of Sectoral-Production Complexes in the Formation and Evolution of Economic Regions

Soviet economic regionalization has traditionally focused on the concept of the areal-production complex (or territorial-production complex), representing the aggregate of economic activities within a particular area. These complexes may range in scale from a local group of interrelated activities all the way to the national economic complex of the USSR. A Soviet economic geographer specializing in the Northern Caucasus now introduces the concept of the “sectoral-production complex” as a subdivision of the areal complex. The sectoral complex contains one or more sectors of production that are linked by a common resource base and common economic relations; for example, the agricultural complex, comprising farming and agricultural processing, rests on agricultural resources; the metallurgy and machine-building complex, combining metallurgy and metal fabrication, rests on a common ore-resource base. According to the author, the concept of a sectoral-production complex must be differentiated from N. N. Kolosovskiy's concept of “energy-and-production cycles” [see Journal of Regional Science, 3 (1961), pp. 1–25] on the ground that Kolosovskiy's cycles are based on a common basic technology, while the sectoral complex involves common resources and economic relations.     

The Electoral Politics of Economic Reform in Australia: The 1998 Election

Like many other advanced industrial democracies, Australia has experienced major and ongoing economic reform over the last two decades, the pace of which has, if anything, increased since the election of the Liberal‐National government in 1996. These developments have led to a growing sense of economic insecurity among many voters. Many of these concerns were focused on the 1998 election, when the Liberal‐National Coalition advocated the introduction of a goods and services tax. This paper uses the 1998 Australian Election Study (AES) survey to examine the impact of economic evaluations, economic insecurity and economic issues on voting in the election. The results demonstrate the existence of widespread economic concerns across the electorate, but that the Coalition gained a marginal electoral advantage on the tax reform issue. Economic issues were also a cause of defection to the new One Nation Party, although further analysis reveals that its support was motivated more by race and ethnic concerns than by economic discontent.     

20世纪30年代江南市镇的经济社会实态——以朱泾镇为个案的考察

16世纪,中国资本主义萌芽在江南市镇诞生,中国步入从传统到近代的经济社会转型期。到20世纪30年代,朱泾镇在社会、文化教育领域出现了近代因素,由于30年代农村经济的凋敝,市镇失去了发展原动力,朱泾经济依然是传统经济结构的延续,鲜有突破。可见,经济、社会等领域的转型不是同步的,社会经济的转型具有一定的滞后性和艰难性。     

The state of globalisation and the globalisation of the state

This article examines how to evaluate claims about the extent and impact of globalisation. A focus on the significance of earlier phases of globalisation is essential, but underestimating the importance and scope of recent developments is the wrong lesson to learn from a more historically informed analysis. While it is necessary to maintain a healthy scepticism towards endings, inevitability and irreversibility, it is important to remain open to the possibility that the world political economy has indeed undergone substantial transformation. This article argues that quantitative measures of globalisation need to be supplemented with an analysis of the pivotal role of the state in spurring and sponsoring the process of global economic interaction. State constructions of the imperatives of globalisation have aimed to bolster the acceptance of policy changes that support globalisation and transform domestic political economies. There is continuing potential for state activity to have effects--both positive and negative--on the progress of economic globalisation.     

Kommentar: The Economic or the Economy? – Reflections on the Objects of Historical Epistemology

In the recent decade the perspectives of historical epistemology have turned economic practices into a novel object of study: the focus lies on how discourses, techniques of measurement and valuation produce economic facts. 1 The research on the historical epistemologies of economic facts belongs to a broader scholarly endeavor that takes place in cultural anthropology, social theory, literary studies, political theory and history. This interdisciplinary work brings to light how deeply economic issues are constituted by intermingling a set of cultural, political, technical and legal distinctions, which distinguish what counts as properly economic from what does not. 2 In this perspective, the very definition of economy becomes a hybrid and contentious affair. The central theoretical question for the historical epistemology and cultural anthropology of economy is currently how to conceptualize the link between epistemic practices and acts of ‘doing the economy’. This special issue on the Historical Episte mology of the Economic pushes us to think about this crucial link. Monika Dommann, Daniel Speich Chassé and Mischa Suter explore different modes of approaching the interlacing of epistemology and economy. These modes can be discussed under the following headings: 1) Pragmatics and Poetologies of Knowledge, 2) Economic Discourses and Epistemic Techniques, 3) Boundaries of Economy. On the basis of the richness of the historical material and the finely grained arguments that these papers bring forth, I will elaborate on the conceptualization of these linkages between epistemology and economy. My discussion culminates in the attempt to clarify an analytical distinction that is freely used in this special issue but that deserves further discussion: the distinction between the economic and the economy as an object of historical epistemology. My question is, does it matter if we write a historical epistemology of the economic or of the economy? What distinction do we wish to make by juxtaposing these two?     

The economic consequences of economists

During 1991, disquiet with the policy recommendations and ultimate economic effects of economists began to feature in debates over economic policy in Australia. One example was the emergence of a conservative critique of economic liberalism; another was the publication of Michael Pusey's research showing that ‘econocrats’, notably those in the federal bureaucracy, have distinctive, politically significant attitudes to the role of government. This paper considers the influence of economic orthodoxy as part of a broader phenomenon—the peculiarity and underdevelopment of our public institutional framework. In Australia, forms of intervention required for full employment simply do not exist. This partially explains both our comparatively poor macroeconomic performance since the 1970s and the propensity of government to embrace policies that abrogate social democratic commitments while economic conditions worsen.     

近代江南典当业的社会转型

近代以来,江南典当业受战乱及社会经济环境等因素的影响,经营日渐困难。为谋求生存,典当业试图提高利息、缩短当期以牟取商利,但其求利行为日益受到社会的道德批判和政府的制约。在“道德”与“利益”之间,典当业难以平衡,终因社会经济环境变化而转向趋利化,与此同时,典当业的社会形象也日益恶化。     

中国共产党对知识分子阶级属性认识的曲折过程

中国共产党对知识分子的阶级属性的认识经历了一个曲折的过程。新中国成立前后,刘少奇、周恩来等人从经济地位上界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1956年,周恩来和邓小平将经济地位和为谁服务统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1961、1962年间,周恩来将经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况初步统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;1978年,邓小平在全国科学大会上将经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况重新统一起来界定了知识分子的工人阶级属性;党的十一届三中全会以后,邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛在坚持经济地位、为谁服务、思想状况统一的基础上,着力解决知识分子是工人阶级中怎样的“一部分”的问题。     

“食货派”的经济史研究方法探讨

20世纪30年代的食货派,针对社会史论战陷入理论之争的弊病,对经济史研究方法展开了积极地探讨。主张从问题入手、广搜史料、寻绎结论,强调借用西方经济学理论和比照西方经济史以及倡导"综合研究法",形成了学派鲜明的治史风格。但其治史方法又存在着明显的不足与局限,尤其是未能全面正确认识马克思主义唯物史观的指导作用,而是有条件、有限度地运用唯物史观进行史学研究。食货派学术生命过早的终结,与其治史方法自身的缺陷不无关系。     

The spatial extent of agglomeration economies across the wage earnings distribution

We investigate the spatial extent of agglomeration economies across the wage earnings distribution using economic mass (total employment) in four distance bands around each individual’s establishment in a quantile regression framework. We control for observable and unobservable individual and establishment characteristics. Remaining endogeneity in the model is assessed with a set of instrumental variables. Results indicate a positive effect of economic mass on wage earnings up to 25 km away from the establishment. The spatial extent of agglomeration economies is similar across the wage earnings distribution. However, increases in economic mass shift the wage earnings distribution in a nonsymmetric way.     

评清朝的西藏政策

清朝重新统一西藏后,通过册封、定制、设官、驻军等措施,并扶持达赖、班禅成为西藏的政教领袖,建立了政教合一的噶厦制度,实现了对西藏的有效管理和统治,维护了清朝在西藏的主权和领土完整,其西藏政策对后世产生了深远影响。本文从反分裂主义的角度重新审视清朝的西藏政策,认为清朝的治藏政策重政治、军事,而轻经济、文化,导致西藏与祖国内地的经济文化交流、民族融合明显滞后,为近代西藏分裂主义的产生埋下了隐患。     

The lagging regions of the EC in the face of economic and monetary union

Nationwide economic policies required to satisfy the Treaty of Maastricht will have a deep regional impact. This paper reflects on the trade‐offs, possibilities and transformations which the process leading towards economic and monetary union imposes on the development policies of peripheral regions. The space left for regional policy is reduced. Regional governments of peripheral regions should decode the pseudo‐modernizing language of neo‐liberal positions, press for greater fiscal resources and propose supply strategies within the framework of industrial policies on a regional basis.     

城：夏商时期对自然资源的控制问题

本文主要从中心——周边系统相互关系的角度探讨了晋南地区两个商城的政治经济活动,特别是跨地域的控制和运输重要自然资源的问题,并认为聚落形态的变化尤其是城的兴衰,应从政治、经济系统的角度考察。在中国早期国家发展阶段,政治中心从周边地区掠取重要自然资源战略的改变,往往会影响人口的移动和城市的兴衰。