从《望厦条约》的签订看中美外交上的一次交锋

《望厦条约》是清朝政府在中英《南京条约》和《虎门条约》之后与西方国家签订的第三个不平等条约,也是中美之间自1784年开始交往以来签订的第一个条约。提起这个条约,人们愤慨的往往是帝国主义的侵略和领事裁判权、片面最惠国待遇、协定关税     

南京政府与修订《中美续议通商行船条约》

1903年清政府和美国政府签订的《中美续议通商行船条约》(简称《中美商约》)是中美两国通商贸易史上一个极为不平等的条约,条约对美国在华的各种特权作了内容最为详细、全面的规定。1934年,南京政府向美国提出修约要求,由于修约的尝试最终失败,加上南京政府有关修约的历史文献和档案资料已保存不全,在中美关系史研究中,对这一问题或未涉及,或述而不详。本文根据目前现有的历史资料,论述南京政府在当时的情况下,既要求美国答应修订《中美商约》,放弃各种在华特权,又希望得到美国支持,以对付日本的侵略,结果未能坚持到底,最终使修约的尝试彻底失败,表现出对外政策上严重的妥协性。     

薛福成与滇缅界务问题交涉——以总理各国事务衙门条约档案为例

《中英续议滇缅界务商务条约》是光绪时期清廷与英国针对云南与缅甸边界议订的非常重要的一个条约,也是研究滇缅边界变迁的不可或缺的原始材料。光绪时期薛福成的滇缅边界谈判,被认为是清廷对外交涉中少数属于成功的例子。作者利用台北"故宫"所藏条约,以及"中央研究院"所藏《总理各国事务衙门档——缅甸档》等相关原始条约档案,来说明薛福成对滇缅边界的谈判交涉,并对条约舆图作些介绍。     

试论1903年中美《通商行船续订条约》

1903年的中关《通商行船续订条约》虽然是一个不平等的条约,为扩大美国在华投资和贸易提供了某些条约保障,但由于清政府国权意识的增强,该条约在主要方面并没有实现美国“门户开放”政策的目标,也不一定都对中国的利益构成危害,甚至在某些方面较诸以前的不平等条约有所改善。     

从“切实值百抽五”看帝国主义对中国关税的控制和掠夺

一“切实值百抽五”的提出及其原因所谓“切实值百抽五”是相对于“值百抽五”而言的。1842年的中英《南京条约》规定,广州等五口通商口岸的进出口货物征收关税办法“均宜秉公酌定则例”。据此,清政府于1843年6月派耆英等到香港与英国议订五口进出口货物税则协定及通商章程,在被追签订的《海关税则》中,除与欧美无直接贸易关系的亚洲特产,如香料、木材、金属等物之外,所有进口货物均按百分之五     

清末至民国时期的西藏邮政

一、清末民初的西藏邮政１８４０年鸦片战争到中华人民共和国成立之前的中国社会是一个半封建半殖民地的社会。帝国主义列强侵入,国家的独立和主权逐步丧失,政治和经济都受到侵略势力的控制,邮政,作为国家主权的重要组成部分,必然在其控制范围之内,就连远离内地的西藏也不例外。光绪年间,印度与中国西藏地区早已在英国人的控制之下。１８９３年１０月２８日,中英签订《中英通商条约》;１９０４年７月２８日,签订《英藏条约》;１９０６年４月４日,签订《藏印条约》;１９１８年４月２日续订《藏印条约》,修订了《藏印通商章程》…     

通商口岸与近代文明的传播

从1842年中英《南京条约》开辟“五口通商”算起,世界资本主义利用战争侵略和迫签不平等条约等手段,相继在中国开辟了80多个通商口岸,作为它们扩大侵略和掠夺中国的基地和跳     

试述中华民国政府废除列强在华领事裁判权的对外交涉

所谓领事裁判权,是外国资本主义、殖民主义势力通过不平等条约在半殖民地、附属国攫取的一种政治特权。在19世纪中叶,资本主义侵略者用炮舰政策打开了中国大门,强迫中国接受屈辱的不平等条约,以法律的形式把领事裁判权强加在中国人民身上。1843年中英签订的《五口通商章程》,第一次确立了列强在华的领事裁判制度。此后,美、法、俄等十几个资本主义国家也都接踵而来,相继效尤,攫取了领事裁判权。     

论早期改良派对不平等条约的认识和态度

自1840年鸦片战争清政府战败而签订中国近代史上第一个不平等条约——《中英江宁条约》以后,西方列强接踵而至,强迫腐败无能的清朝政府签订了一个又一个的不平等条约。外国侵略者通过这些不平等条约,在中国攫取了通商、传教、办厂、驻军等等特权。从此,中国主权不完整,独立丧失,神州大地陷于被分割的危险境地。帝国主义与中华民族的矛盾逐渐上升为社会的主要矛盾。中国人民反抗帝国主义及其走狗的斗争则日趋高涨。     

试述南京国民政府建立初期争取关税自主权的对外交涉

中国关税自主权的丧失,始于第一次鸦片战争。1842年,中国被迫签订的第一个不平等条约中英《南京条约》第10款规定:“英国商民居住通商之广州等五处,应纳进口、出口货税、饷费,均宜秉公议定则例。”从此,开创了外国干预中国关税自     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.