Women,Wages and Intra-household Power Relations in Urban Bangladesh

This article examines the implications of women's access to income-earning opportunities for their position in intra-household relationships. For those who believe that such relationships are egalitarian, this issue may not appear relevant; for others, however, there is a divergence of views between those who offer an optimistic analysis of the effects of earning power for women's status, and those who provide a more pessimistic prognosis. In exploring this issue, the article makes use of first-hand accounts of women workers in the recently emergent export-oriented garment factories in Bangladesh, both in order to evaluate the ‘fit’ with theoretical insights of intra-household relations from the social science literature, and to assess what the ‘everyday lived realities’ described by the women workers tell us about the workings of power within family-based households in urban Bangladesh.     

Livelihoods Limitations: The Political Economy of Urban Poverty in Dhaka,Bangladesh

Research in Bangladesh reveals the limitations of actor‐oriented frameworks for understanding urban poverty that assess household livelihoods on the basis of a household's portfolio of assets or capitals. The narrow focus of these frameworks on households and their depoliticized definition of social capital overlook the political roots of urban poverty. The informal systems of governance that dominate resource distribution within low‐income settlements ensure that the social resources necessary for long‐term household improvement are confined to a small elite. Only through extending our analysis beyond the household level, to explore their position within this local political economy of employment and enterprise, can we recognize the limitations placed on household efforts to improve their livelihoods.     

Escaping Violence,Seeking Freedom: Why Children in Bangladesh Migrate to the Street

In Bangladesh, as in many developing countries, there is a widespread belief amongst the public, policy makers and social workers that children ‘abandon’ their families and migrate to the street because of economic poverty. Ignoring and avoiding mounting evidence to the contrary, this dominant narrative posits that children whose basic material needs cannot be met within the household move to the street. This article explores this narrative through the analysis of detailed empirical research with children in Bangladesh. It finds that social factors lie behind most street migration and, in particular, that moves to the street are closely associated with violence towards and abuse of children within the household and local community. These findings are consistent with the wider literature on street migration from other countries. In Bangladesh, those who seek to reduce the flow of children to the streets need to focus on social policy, especially on how to reduce the excessive control and emotional, physical and sexual violence that occur in some households. Economic growth and reductions in income poverty will be helpful, but they will not be sufficient to reduce street migration by children.     

宗教政治化对南亚地区政治的影响

南亚地区宗教政治化有着深厚的群众基础,久远的历史积淀和宗教参与政治的强烈欲望,并经历了兴起、受挫、复兴三个复杂的历史过程。宗教政治化对南亚地区政治发展产生了深刻的影响,从积极面看,宗教参与政治对南亚国家起到了凝聚和团结人们的纽带作用。然而,在现代南亚,宗教政治化破坏了南亚地区民族团结和国家统一,造成南亚地区政治动荡不安,恶化南亚地区国家间关系,严重阻碍了南亚国家世俗政治进程。目前,宗教政治化已经成为南亚地区政治的一大特色,国外学术界很重视对这一问题的研究,相比较而言,国内学术界对这一问题的研究尚不够深     

Social Movements and the Politicization of Chronic Poverty

Discussions of chronic poverty emphasize the extent to which poverty endures because of the social relationships and structures within which particular social groups are embedded. In this sense chronic poverty is a socio‐political relationship rather than a condition of assetless‐ness. Understood as such, processes of social mobilization become central to any discussion of chronic poverty because they are vehicles through which such relationships are argued over in society and potentially changed. This article explores the ways in which social movements, as one form of such mobilization, might affect chronic poverty. Four domains are discussed: influencing the underlying dynamics of the political economy of poverty; challenging dominant meanings of poverty in society; direct effects on the assets of the poor; and engaging with the state. The inherent fragilities of social movements limit these contributions, the most important of which is to destabilize taken‐for‐granted, hegemonic discourses on poverty and its reduction.     

略论晚清汉学的兴衰与变化

晚清时期,兴盛于乾嘉年间的清代儒学主流学派－汉学－尽管走上衰落的道路,但这种衰落并非直线性地下降,而是经历了一个较长的曲折变化的过程。自鸦片战争到中日甲午战争长达半个多世纪的时间里,汉学依然是中国学坛人多势众、著述丰富、分布广泛的强势学派,居于学界“老大”的地位。晚清汉学家们秉承乾嘉宿儒治学传统,在经学、小学、音韵学等领域开展深入研究,取得显著成就,甚至在某些方面直驾乾嘉而上。晚清汉学因处于与乾嘉汉学完全不同的社会环境,形成“实”、“通”、“变”的历史特征,并随着中国传统社会发生根本性的变化而实现着自身的新旧更替。晚清汉学既沿袭了传统儒学的许多消极因素,也包含着其中的积极成分,对中国近代社会文化产生了复杂而多重的影响。     

旅游地的衰落与产品更新

旅游地的衰落是个普遍现象。如果资源和市场条件许可,衰落期的旅游地能够通过产品更新实现复兴。本论述了产品更新的条件,分析了产品更新的方式。     

Josephine's Journey: Gender‐based Violence and Marian Devotion in Urban Papua New Guinea

ABSTRACT This article deals with how, in the urban setting of Madang, Papua New Guinea, Marian devotion is deployed in response to domestic and gender‐based violence. While providing insight into the lived religious experiences of Catholic women living in Madang, this article shows how Mary empowers her followers to resist violence, yet, at the same time, paradoxically, is instrumental in sanctioning women to tolerate violence. Josephine's ‘journey of violence’ reveals not only Josephine's turning to Mary, but more so, her negotiations with values belonging to different cultural logics. Caught between ‘tradition’, Christianity and ‘modernity’, Josephine and other Catholic women engage in painful processes of self‐analysis and self‐transformation to adapt to and change their situation. In these processes, Mary is used as a role model.     

Rethinking Law and Violence: The Domestic Violence (Prevention) Bill in India, 2002

This essay focuses on the controversy generated by recent proposed legislation on domestic violence in India. An alternative draft bill on domestic violence prepared by the feminist legal NGO, the Lawyers’ Collective, and supported by women's groups nationally, includes a demand that victims of domestic violence (usually wives) be permitted by law to continue to occupy the domestic home, a demand that the Government bill has refused to include. This demand is theoretically informed by a politics of space. Bodies and space are linked, to the extent that each is an abstraction without the concept of the other to ground it. The feminist legal proposal challenges property‐as‐absolute‐(male) ownership by conceptualising the household as, instead, shared domestic space. The proposal does not dissimulate common sense – it is conscious of being radical, in part at least because it demystifies the ‘domestic’ as an ideological construct and offers it instead realistically and minimally as simply an alternative to destitution. The recognition that there are no support structures for dependant women outside the family (such as, for example, state‐sponsored welfare institutions), so that destitution can be both sudden and real for women of any class and circumstances, has led to the conceptualisation of a law that formulates a right to shared space as one that makes no claim to shared ownership – while at the same time questioning the other's absolute property right. Despite the limited nature of the claim it makes, this proposal has been viewed as threatening by Indian law‐makers.     

行摄孟加拉

<正>到孟加拉摄影是我从来没有想过的行程,因有好朋友邀约做伴,才开始好奇——这个贫穷落后、紧邻我国云南、人口密集的南亚小国是什么样子的。于是经过两个多小时的飞行,我们来到了孟加拉的首都达卡。映入眼帘的第一印象就是这里杂乱无章的交通,没有交通线,破破烂烂的大客车和人力三轮车、机动三轮车等混在一起拥挤地前行着,孟加拉国的首都比我国多年以前城乡结合部最乱的交通还乱。     

The Transcendence of State-Sanctioned Violence and Christian Solidarity

Abstract

This essay is concerned with the nature of the human experiences of transcendence and solidarity with particular reference to state-sanctioned violence and the non-violent resistance inspired by Christian faith. With research undertaken in East Timor, the essay identifies two different forms of transcendence—one marked by mob violence; and the other by ecclesial solidarity. It explores these forms of transcendence in the context of the statesanctioned executions in East Timor that occurred in 1999 after the populace voted for independence from Indonesia, which had brutally occupied the territory from 1975 to 1999. Through the story of a group that was to be executed, the essay explores the nature of state-sanctioned violence as structured by violent transcendence; and the Christian solidarity informed by a pacific transcendence located in the victimhood of Christ. The essay claims that the anthropological insights of René Girard provide an important lens to understanding the East Timorese experience, in which I argue that statesanctioned violence was resisted through the pacific transcendence located in Christ that awakened a consciousness of the victim.