非洲的反政府武装问题

反政府武装问题是非洲政治发展进程中的一个巨大的挑战。在非洲“前民族国家”的“新家长制”下,既得利益集团维护私利而损害了大多数民众的福祉,迫使民众寻求家族、部落、宗教集团等的庇护,导致反政府武装兴起并与政府对抗。而经济发展困境、非洲民众与国家在经济关系上的脱节,及西方经济发展模式对非洲主动性的扼杀,则滋生出反政府武装兴起与发展的社会经济因素。被边缘化群体的不满情绪,某些突出人物的领导力,以及独特的士兵群体的参与,则为反政府武装提供了人员、智力与武力支持,使反政府武装具有了强大的破坏力。而“本土性、独立性”的认同则为反政府武装提供了斗争的合法性理由,并以此赢得部分民众的认可与同情。     

“法轮功”现象剖析

“法轮功”现象是指以“法轮功”为代表的群众非理性聚集现象,这个聚集效应具有某种明显的反社会、反政府和反科学的倾向和性质。历史上在社会矛盾尖锐和社会动乱关头,这类现象其实并不少见。为确保来之不易的社会稳定和经济发展,全国人民在党中央的统一部署下展开了一场轰轰烈烈揭批“法轮功”的思想政治斗争。原先名不见经传的“法轮功”及其头子李洪志突然变成了传媒报道的中心,而与此相应的“法轮功”现象则开始受到人们的普遍关注。     

魏晋南北朝时期“农民起义”的甄别与研究——兼论反社会武装和反政府武装

张泽咸和朱大渭主编的《魏晋南北朝农民战争史料汇编》一共收录了537起魏晋南北朝时期的"农民战争"史料。编者根据当时的理解把它们分为三类,第一类为农民战争,包括汉族农民起义以及汉族和少数族人民联合起义;第二类为少数族人民反抗封建统治的战争;第三类为包括盗杀太守、奴杀主、亡命抢劫、兵变以及少数带有阶级斗争性质的某些事例。经过三十年以后重新分析研究这些史料,我们可以把它们分为反社会的土匪强盗活动和反政府的武装集团叛乱两大类。中国古代没有"农民"这一概念,只有士、农、工、商"四民","四民"中的"农"包括现代意义的有地的地主和自耕农,而不包括无地的雇农和佃农。所谓的"农民"是现代人虚拟的一个概念,而"起义"只是人们对反对暴政和暴君的反政府武装的一种褒奖与赞誉,甚至是对某些土匪强盗的褒奖与赞誉。所以,所谓的"农民起义"应该被称为"民变"或"民乱",关于"农民起义"和"农民战争"的说法是阶级斗争理论指导下形成的一种偏见。     

利比亚人的“革命之路”

卡扎菲曾给他们带来光荣与梦想,也曾制造过痛苦和失望这是最好的时代,也是最坏的时代。这些天来,班加西人对这句话大概深有体会。在2月的激战中,这座利比亚东部最大城市被反政府武装控制,成为反对派大本营、＂自由利比亚的心脏＂。     

惊悚图片

斯里兰卡在作者的镜头里是美好之地．但我们也应该了解她的伤痕累累。1972年。斯里兰卡军方与反政府武装泰米尔伊拉姆猛虎解放组织之间的内战开始。2002年双方在斯德哥尔摩签署了一份永久性的停火协议．     

他们贩卖的何止是军火

经过长期发展,国际军火走私早已形成一个稳定的“产业链”,而军火贩子就是“货源”和“买主”之间的掮客。军火贩子的“买主”主要有两类:一是战乱地区的政府、反政府武装或游击队组织;一是国际恐怖分子。对于前一类买主,军火贩子往往有求必应,既向政府军出售武器,也不“亏待”反政府武装,因为两者间的战争越持久,军火贩子的利润就越大。对于后一类买主,军火贩子也是毫无顾忌,他们也因此成了全球恐怖主义活动的“助推器”。     

唐代前后统治者对道教的利用

唐朝统治者终朝都对道教进行扶植利用,来巩固和维护其统治。在唐代前期主要以政治利用为主,将道教改造成皇族宗教,用神权强化李唐政权的合法性;并吸收老子无为而治的思想来治国,利用道教打压佛教,来维护其政治经济利益;用道教教义和经典来教化民众,维护其统治秩序。在唐代后期经过安史之乱之后,统治者的崇道活动因动乱而有所减少,对道教的政治利用也减弱。但是,对神仙方药的迷信却加剧,信奉祈禳之术。     

姜国即将对叙利亚动武？

让叙利亚僵局久拖不决、拖住伊朗和真主党,可能才是唯一不会损害美国利益的对策。8月21日,叙利亚首都大马土革市郊发生了大规模疑似化学武器袭击事件,一千三百多人死亡,六干余人受伤,患者症状碌示他们曾暴露于神经毒剂之下。叙利亚政府和反政府武装互相指责对方是凶手,西方国家则倾向于相信是叙利亚政府所为,英国外交大臣黑格表示,不排除在没有联合国的授权下采取一些应对举措的可能,美国则向地中海加派了携带巡航导弹的“马汉”号驱逐舰。     

浅谈军队理论武装工作的基本原则

近年来,军队党的创新理论武装工作较好地发挥了政治工作服务保证作用,推动了军队全面建设。但还存在一些不容忽视的问题,在一定程度上影响和制约了军队理论武装工作的效果。解决当前军队理论武装工作中的诸多问题,贯彻和遵循军队理论武装工作的基本原则,对增强军队理论武装工作的主动性、针对性、实效性至关重要。     

农民革命与政治变迁——1525年德国农民战争时期传单研究

1525年德国农民革命其政治目标是民众的参政。参政的本质是自下而上地建立政治秩序,用公正、非特权的地区自治政府取代封建权贵的专横统治。革命所揭示的政治改革的方向是抑制贵族的权势,使社会朝着更大的社会、经济及政治平等走,或朝着更广大的社会和政治参与的方向走。广大民众——农民、矿工、知识分子、僧侣、部分政府官员和中下层贵族     

中国共产党的绝对领导与新中国国防和军队建设

坚持中国共产党对国防和军队建设的绝对领导,是适合中国国情、独具中国特色的军事领导制度,是坚持党的领导和人民民主专政的重要基石,是推进国防和军队现代化建设的根本保证。新中国成立60年的历史充分证明,坚持党对国防和军队建设的绝对领导,是巩固党的执政地位、确保国家安全、维护社会稳定的重要制度。必须坚决抵制国内外敌对势力鼓吹的"军队非党化、非政治化"和"军队国家化"等错误论调,毫不动摇地坚持这一根本原则和根本制度。     

东吴长江防线兵要地理初探

东吴长江防线的形成,是三国政治形势、长江地理条件、东吴国力水平的综合产物。整个防线共划分为江陵防区、武昌防区和建业防区三部分。其中江陵防区约有部队5万人,建业防区约为13万。东吴经营防线的策略是守江而争淮汉。长江防线的存在,使东吴割据政权得以长期维持;东吴对长江防线的经营,促进了沿江城市的发展;长江防线的巩固,促成了东吴君臣的偏安心理。防线最后的崩溃,与其西端没有牢固的依托点密切关联。     

日本对华"武装移民"政策及其战略目的

"九·一八"事变,日本武装占领中国整个东北之后,日本关东军、日本政府便开始积极策划向中国东北推行"武装移民"的侵略政策.到1937年日本实施"百万户移民"之前,先后向中国东北"武装移民"五次.日本"武装移民"的战略目的,就是要用日本移民来壮大日本在中国东北的实力,配合日本关东军镇压东北抗日武装,加强殖民地统治,达到长期霸占的目的.     

18世纪末—20世纪初中国制瓷业的衰落:一个全球的视角

欧洲的扩张一方面促成了全球规模的产品市场,对中国制瓷业形成了需求冲击,进而成就了中国制瓷业近300年的黄金时代;另一方面,欧洲国家还施行了武装贸易和重商主义,这给欧洲制瓷业的发展提供了市场、技术和政策支持,促使欧洲制瓷业迅速发展。也正是藉此欧洲制瓷业在与中国制瓷业的竞争中逐渐取得优势。最终华瓷市场的丧失导致中国制瓷业利润微薄,瓷商相继破产,曾经为中国带来无数利润和荣耀的制瓷业就此衰落。     

To the barracks: the President,the military and democratic consolidation in Portugal (1976–1980)

After two turbulent years in which different pathways for the future of the political and institutional framework of Portugal clashed, the country began a process of consolidation of the democratic institutions delineated between 1975/6. However, the role played by the military in the fall of the previous dictatorial regime and the fragility of the new democratic institutions did not allow their immediate withdrawal from political life. The President of the Republic was a military man and the political parties had agreed to maintain an unelected sovereign body, the Council of the Revolution, which only dissolved in 1982. Based on primary sources that only recently became available, this article presents some elements that help to understand the success of democratic consolidation in Portugal. This long process should not be interpreted as a confrontation between civilians, desirous to put an end to military tutelage, and the military, who at all costs sought to keep their privileges. The dividing line should be placed between those who defended the maintenance of the status quo, and the supporters of military subordination to the civil power.     

Heritage under attack: motives for targeting cultural property during armed conflict

Although attacks on cultural property have caused international outcry, our understanding of this phenomenon is still limited. In particular, little research has been directed towards exploring the motivations for such attacks. Therefore, we ask: What are the motives for attacking sites, buildings or objects representing cultural heritage? By combining insights from peace and conflict research with findings from heritage studies we present a typology of motivations for attacking cultural property. We identify four, not mutually exclusive, broad groups of motives: (i) attacks related to conflict goals, in which cultural property is targeted because it is connected to the issue the warring parties are fighting over (ii), military-strategic attacks, in which the main motivation is to win tactical advantages in the conflict (iii), signalling attacks, in which cultural property is targeted as a low-risk target that signals the commitment of the aggressor, and (iv) economic incentives where cultural property provides funding for warring parties. Our typology offers a theoretical structure for research about why, when, and by whom, cultural property is targeted. This is not only likely to provide academic benefits, but also to contribute to the development of more effective tools for the protection of cultural property during armed conflict.     

Vulnerability and nationalism: the support for the war against Iraq in five established states

ABSTRACT. This essay attempts to shed light on why aggressive ideas gain support within established western states. To do that it attempts to answer the question why the armed conflict against Iraq received such varied support during the first four months of 2003 within the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, France and Spain. A comparative study indicates that the justifications for the armed conflict must be endorsed in the national identities of the particular states. If not, either the justifications or national identities have to be modified. The dominant elite emerge as essential to this process, as does the public experience of vulnerability. It appears that the war against Iraq received such varied support because the initial definitions of national identities endorsed the justifications for the war to different degrees, the dominant elites promoted different opinions and the people experienced different degrees of vulnerability.     

Excavations at Bishop's Street Without: 17th Century Conflict Archaeology in Derry City

Abstract

Excavations on this site, undertaken by Paul Logue for EHS: Built Heritage DOE: NI, produced evidence for at least two phases of occupation outside Bishop's Gate, Londonderry during the 17th century. This occupation came to an end with a phase of activity dated to the commencement of the Jacobite siege in A.D. 1689. Further evidence of that siege was uncovered in the form of a ravelin ditch 2.8 m wide and 0.57 m in depth, constructed in early 1689 to front Bishop's Gate. The extant remains of a sally port interrupted the ditch. A nearby larger ditch, scarped from the sloping ground outside Double Bastion, measured a maximum of 8.4 m in width and 1.4 m in depth. This larger ditch may have been part of efforts to improve the City defences in the wake of the 1641 rebellion. Further evidence of conflict archaeology was recovered in the form of lead shot, weapon furniture and flint gunspalls.     

Has Québec Become a Northern Mexico? Public Opinion and America's “Long War”

In contrast with Mexico, a consistent pattern of anti-Americanism has never been present in Québec, but there has been an ostensible upsurge in anti-American sentiment recently. This article asks whether Québec has become a “northern Mexico” with respect to societal attitudes displayed toward the United States. To answer this, we first explore the argument that Mexico is effectively an axiomatically anti-American land. We then examine public opinion in Québec, with a view to contrasting it with Mexican views, especially on the all-important question of the use of force in international politics. We argue that Quebeckers show themselves to be more supportive than Mexicans of the idea that the “international community” in certain instances does have both a right and a duty to intervene in the domestic affairs of states.     

元代歌谣的分布研究

元代歌谣极富时代特点.在文献载录的频次上,以<河南北童谣><元末苏州童谣><方国珍谣>等被典籍载录的频次最高,其收录的频次与歌谣本事在当时及后世的影响力成正比.在时间的分布上,元代歌谣所呈现的历时性特征,与元朝的历史分期及阶段特征相吻合,基本上反映了元朝初期、中期、末期不同阶段的社会状况.在地域的分布上,以江浙行省被记录的歌谣最多,反映了江浙行省社会矛盾最为尖锐的区域特征.元代歌谣在时间的分布上集中于元末顺帝统治期间,在地域的分布上集中于江浙行省,在歌谣的主题上,时间和地域的分布基本重合,充分体现了元末的江浙行省所受压迫最深、反抗也最为激烈的历史.