Overdone overkill – the archaeological perspective on Tasmanian megafaunal extinctions

The reasons for megafaunal extinction in Australia have been hotly debated for over 30 years without any clear resolution. The proposed causes include human overkill, climate, anthropogenic induced habitat change or a combination of these. Most protagonists of the human overkill model suggest the impact was so swift, occurring within a few thousand years of human occupation of the continent, that archaeological evidence should be rare or non-existent. In Tasmania the presence of extinct megafauna has been known since the early twentieth century (74, 85 and 86) with earlier claims of human overlap being rejected because of poor chronology and equivocal stratigraphic associations. More recent archaeological research has not identified any megafauna from the earliest, exceptionally well-preserved late Pleistocene cultural sites. In 2008 however an argument for human induced megafaunal extinctions was proposed using the direct dates from a small sample of surface bone from two Tasmanian non-human caves and a museum sediment sample from an unknown location in a cave, since destroyed by quarrying (Turney et al., 2008). Turney et al. (2008) supplemented their data with published dates from other Tasmanian caves and open sites to argue for the survival of at least seven megafauna species from the last interglacial to the subsequent glacial stage.     

The Archaeological Record of Human Impacts on Animal Populations

Recent archaeological research has fundamentally altered our understanding of the scope of past human impacts on nondomesticated animal populations. Predictions derived from foraging theory concerning the abundance histories of high-return human prey and diet breadth have been met in many parts of the world. People are known to have introduced a broad variety of nondomesticated animals, from sponges to agoutis and rats, to a remarkably broad set of contexts, in turn causing a wide variety of secondary impacts. By increasing the incidence of fire, human colonists have in some cases transformed the nature of the vegetation on the colonized landscape, in turn dramatically affecting animal populations on those landscapes. In island settings, these triple threats--predation, biotic introductions, and vegetation alteration--routinely led to extinctions but there is no archaeological evidence that small-scale societies caused extinction by predation alone on islands or continents. Indeed, the recent history of this famous argument suggests that it is better seen as a statement of faith about the past rather than as an appeal to reason. Perhaps most importantly, our burgeoning knowledge of past human impacts on animals has important implications for the conservation biology of the future.     

Late Pleistocene mammalian extinctions in North America: Taxonomy,chronology, and explanations

Toward the end of the Pleistocene, North America lost some 35 genera of mammals. It has long been assumed that all or virtually all of the extinctions occurred between 12,000 and 10,000 years ago, but detailed analyses of the radiocarbon chronology provide little support for this assumption, which seems to have been widely accepted because of the kinds of explanations felt most likely to account for the extinctions in the first place. Approaches that attribute the losses to human predation depend almost entirely on the assumed synchroneity between the extinctions and the onset of large mammal hunting by North American peoples. The fact that only two of the extinct genera have been found in a convincing kill context presents an overwhelming problem for this approach. Climatic models, on the other hand, are becoming increasingly precise and account for a wide variety of apparently synchronous biogeographic events. While a role for human activities in the extinction of some taxa is fully possible, there can be little doubt that the underlying cause of the extinctions lies in massive climatic change.     

Archaeological associations with extinct pleistocene mammals in North America

It has often been argued that there are insufficient associations between extinct Pleistocene mammalian genera and cultural materials to support the argument that human predation played a major role in causing the extinctions. This argument assumes that there are many records for most or all of the extinct mammals that date to the very end of the Pleistocene. An analysis of a sample of radiocarbon dated sites with extinct mammals and younger than 12,000 BP suggests that this criticism of the overkill hypothesis is weakly based.     

Pleistocene overkill and the associational critique

The “associational critique”, the claim there are insufficient associations between extinct Pleistocene mammalian genera and cultural materials to support a model of human overkill, has been challenged by Grayson (1984). He argues that it is based on a faulty assumption regarding the sample of terminal Pleistocene megafauna, and that analysis using the radiocarbon record of extinct fauna demonstrates that there are actually more extinct genera found in archaeological association than would be expected by chance. He concludes that the associational critique is weakly based. However, his analysis warrants careful examination for, by including only radiocarbon-dated sites, and utilizing dates of questionable reliability, it is subject to sample bias. Re-analysis suggests that a rejection of the associational critique is premature. There are far too few sites showing evidence of human predation to support a model of human overkill.     

First Introduction and Early Exploitation of the Persian Fallow Deer on Cyprus (8000–6000 cal. bc)

The Persian fallow deer (Dama dama mesopotamica) is currently a threatened species. However, it played an important role in many Late Glacial and Early Holocene human societies in the Near and Middle East. This is especially true of the island of Cyprus, where it was introduced at the beginning of the Neolithic and held a predominant place in human subsistence throughout Cypriot prehistory until the Bronze Age. The earliest levels of the extensive Cypriot Pre‐Pottery Neolithic B site of Shillourokambos, occupied between 8400 and 7000 cal. bc , provided 3036 identified remains of this deer. It was possible to measure or determine the age‐at‐death for 1361 and 1444 remains, respectively. Analyses allow for discussions on when the fallow deer was introduced to the island of Cyprus, its origin and how populations were managed. These studies also lead to the reconstruction of acquisition and butchery techniques, as well as culinary practices, and the morphological evolution of males and females throughout time. The Persian fallow deer was introduced to Cyprus later than suids, dogs, cats, goats and cattle, and at nearly the same time as sheep, towards ca 8000 cal. bc . Despite the absence of any skeletal changes, this introduction may reflect an attempt to domesticate the fallow deer on the nearby continental mainland. However, after being introduced to the island, deer appear to have been released into the wild and hunted. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Carnivory, Coevolution, and the Geographic Spread of the Genus Homo

This review traces the colonization of Eurasia by hominids some 1,700,000 years ago and their subsequent evolution there to 10,000 years ago from a carnivorous perspective. Three zooarchaeological trends reflect important shifts in hominid adaptations over this great time span: (1) increasing predation on large, hoofed animals that culminated in prime-adult–biased hunting, a predator–prey relationship that distinguishes humans from all other large predators and is a product of coevolution with them; (2) greater diet breadth and range of foraging substrates exploited in response to increasing human population densities, as revealed by small-game use; and (3) increased efficiency in food capture, processing, and energy retention through technology, and the eventual expansion of technology into social (symbolic) realms of behavior. Niche boundary shifts, examined here in eight dimensions, tend to cluster at 500 thousand years ago (KYA), at 250 KYA, and several in rapid succession between 50 and 10 KYA. Most of these shifts appear to be consequences of competitive interaction, because high-quality, protein-rich resources were involved. Many of the boundary shifts precede major radiations in the equipment devoted to animal exploitation. With a decline in trophic level after 45 KYA, demographic increase irreversibly altered the conditions of natural selection on human societies, from a largely interspecific competitive forum to one increasingly defined by intraspecific pressures. Regionalization of Upper Paleolithic artifact styles is among the many symptoms of this process.     

Environmental Relations and Biophysical Transition: The Case of Trinket Island

ABSTRACT To what extent is an island economy cut off from the rest of the world? Defined as a mass of land bounded by water, island societies connect and exchange with their surroundings rather intensely. Based on empirical research, this paper explores the role of a ‘remote’ island society on Trinket in generating or sheltering itself from the process of globalisation in which con‐textually given borders are transgressed and displaced. To this end, we apply the concepts of societal metabolism and colonising natural processes operationalised by Material and Energy Flow Analysis (MEFA), and Human Appropriation of Net Primary Production (HANPP) respectively. Using these biophysical indicators, we describe the transition from a metabolism based upon the natural environment to metabolism based on exchange with other societies. Data presented in this paper further reveal a process of industrialisation and integration into the global market of a so‐called ‘closed’ and ‘inaccessible’ island society.     

Human Palaeoecological Interactions and Owl Roosting at Tron Bon Lei,Alor Island,Eastern Indonesia

We report on tetrapod (Reptilia, Amphibia, Mammalia, Aves) vertebrates recovered during excavations at Tron Bon Lei rockshelter on the south coast of Alor Island, eastern Indonesia. These include both archaeological specimens recovered from a 1 m² test pit dating from ～21 kya cal BP to the late Holocene, and a modern eastern barn owl deposit recovered nearby. To discern between the depositional processes that accumulated the small numbers of micro- and macrovertebrate remains from the archaeological deposits, the taphonomic signature of the natural assemblage was quantified and compared to the archaeological record. The taphonomic data indicates that the tetrapod archaeofaunal remains are a combination of barn owl predation of microfauna and human predation of larger fauna. This approach provides new information on human-tetrapod interactions on Alor in Wallacea during the late Quaternary, including an apparent increase in cave site use and hunting intensity during the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, sea turtle butchery and probable transport, and extinctions of previously unknown giant to large rat species.     

Dating of modified femora of extinct dwarf Hippopotamus from Southern Madagascar: Implications for constraining human colonization and vertebrate extinction events

Two significant events in the late Holocene history of Madagascar were (a) the arrival of people, and (b) the loss of nearly two dozen species of land vertebrates in the socalled “subfossil extinctions”. The consensus is that the faunal losses occurred shortly subsequent to human arrival, but the timing of these events is poorly constrained. The minimum age for initial human presence on the island may now be set at approximately 2000 bp, on the basis of AMS ¹⁴C dates for human-modified femora of extinct dwarf hippos from SW Madagascar. Assuming that this date also marks the beginning of deleterious human interactions with the subfossil fauna, and assuming that this fauna became completely extinct by 900 bp, the width of the anthropogenic “extinction window” may have been as long as c. 1000 a. This estimate, nearly twice the length of previous ones, is close to the unadjusted minimum for the duration of the terminal Pleistocene extinction event in the Americas. Whether or not this length of time comports with theoretical expectations of a “blitzkrieg” pattern of losses is uncertain, but greater refinement in dating the end of the subfossil extinctions is unlikely to produce radically shorter estimates of duration.     

Past and present marine mammal hunting rates and abundances: dugong (Dugong dugon) evidence from Dabangai Bone Mound,Torres Strait

Dugongs (Dugong dugon) are a key food item and a totemic animal with major spiritual significance for Torres Strait Islanders of northeastern Australia. These marine mammals are officially classed vulnerable to extinction which has placed hunters under considerable internal (cultural) and external (bureaucratic) pressure to lower hunting rates dramatically to sustainable levels. But did Torres Strait Islanders hunt dugongs at much lower rates in the pre-colonial past? Excavation of a ritual dugong bone mound on Mabuyag island revealed the remains of 10,000–11,000 dugongs hunted between c. 1600 and c. 1900AD. The translated hunting rate of 33–37 dugongs per year is surprisingly high and challenging as this single site represents one-third of what conservation biologists argue is the current mean sustainable hunting rate for the entire Torres Strait archipelago. These data suggest that dugong abundance was much higher in the pre-colonial past and that current hunting rates are uncharacteristically unsustainable primarily due to an unprecedented dugong population crash and not increased post-contact hunting rates.     

On Behavioral Depression in White-tailed Deer

Behavioral depression is a decline in prey availability because of enhanced alert response, movement away from areas, increased social behavior, and other responses to predators. This form of resource depression is an alternative hypothesis to be contrasted to over-exploitation that potentially explains a decrease in hunting efficiency over time should the zooarchaeologist observe a decline in the relative abundance of remains of high-rank prey. Gregarious ungulates, such as many North American cervids, may exhibit such behavioral responses under predation. The white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus), one of the most common high-rank prey animals from Holocene archaeological sites in eastern North America, is less gregarious, more r-selected, and exhibits greater home-range fidelity than other cervids. As a result, whitetails are less likely to exhibit behavioral depression than other North American ungulates, which may explain their common occurrence in Holocene archaeological faunas, such as that from the Eagle??s Ridge site in southeast Texas where resource depression appears to have occurred from 4,500 to 1,500?years ago. The behavioral ecology of ungulate species should be considered on a case-by-case basis to develop testable hypotheses about prehistoric human predation.     

Deglaciation and Human Colonization of Northern Europe

Few places worldwide experienced Late Glacial ecological shifts as drastic as those seen in the areas covered by, or adjacent to, the massive ice sheets that blanketed much of the northern hemisphere. Among the most heavily glaciated regions, northern Europe underwent substantial ecological shifts during and after the Last Glacial Maximum. The climatically unstable Pleistocene–Holocene transition repeatedly transformed far-northern Europe, placing it among the last regions to be colonized by Paleolithic societies. As such, it shares paleoenvironmental and archaeological analogues with other once glaciated areas where human populations, entrenched in periglacial environments prior to glacier retreat, spread into newly deglaciated territories. Perhaps most significant for northern Europeans were post-glacial effects of the Younger Dryas and Preboreal periods, as shifts in climate, plant, and animal communities elicited several adaptive responses including innovation, exploration, and the eventual settlement of once glaciated landscapes. This paper is a detailed review of existing archaeological and paleoecological evidence pertaining to the Late Upper Paleolithic of northern Europe, and offers theoretical observations on human colonization models and ecological responses to large-scale stadial and interstadial events.     

Hunting strategies in the Late Glacial of northern Europe: A survey of the faunal evidence

Presented here is a general overview of the evidence concerning the procurement strategies in the Late Glacial of northwestern Europe. Their rich faunal assemblages make Stellmoor and Meiendorf, in northern Germany, key sites in this respect. Both may be considered specialized reindeer hunting camps. A survey of the hunting techniques and exploitation patterns reflected by the material from these sites emphasizes the differences between the Hamburgian and the Ahrensburgian economies.     

Epipaleolithic and Mesolithic adaptations in Cantabrian Spain and Pyrenean France

The period of deglaciation from ca. 13,000 to ca. 9000 B.P. along the northern edge of the Cantabrian Cordillera and Pyrenees was characterized by marked climatic and environmental oscillations, culminating in the establishment of interglacial conditions. While along the Cantabrian coast, late Upper Paleolithic groups had long been developing diversified systems of adaptation, fully exploiting the wide range of food resources of that narrow but ecologically varied region (notably red deer and marine mollusks), Magdalenian hunters along the southern edge of the Aquitaine basin were becoming increasingly specialized in the hunting of one medium-size game species, reindeer. Thus, while the artifact industries and artistic traditions of the two adjacent regions along the forty-third parallel developed along similar lines in the Magdalenian and Azilian, and despite a common montane specialization in ibex hunting, the changes that came with the end of the Last Glacial affected the human groups of the two regions very differently, as reflected in the early Mesolithic records of Vasco-Cantabria and Gascony, respectively.     

皮毛：清代北美对华贸易的重要货品

北美皮毛对华商路的开拓者是英国人,美国随后介入。美、英皮毛输华量在1801年达到顶点;两相比较,早期,英国占有优势地位,略后,美国反超。中国人原先穿用皮种多为陆地动物,而北美输华的主要是海洋动物皮毛。在工业革命完成之前,一般的国际贸易多为资源性经营,但人类的过量捕杀势必造成珍贵动物资源濒于灭绝。这是18和19世纪之交的国际皮毛贸易由盛转衰留下的深刻教训。     

Changes in Wildlife Populations in the Sos'va Section of the Ob'basin as a Result of Human Activity in the Tayga

The impact of the penetration of the lumbering industry on the beaver and sable population of the Konda-Sos'va region of Western Siberia is analyzed. The development of the industry along the newly built Ivdel'-Ob' railroad, the increasing cut-over area, frequent forest fires and the expansion of populated settlements have led to excessive trapping and poaching among the local beaver and sable populations. Because of their limited reproductive capacity, the two species are threatened with extinction unless the present hunting prohibition in the area can be enforced. A useful step, in the author's view, would be the restoration of the Konda-Sos'va reserve, which was abolished in 1951 before the penetration of human activities into the region.     

Bird remains from the archaeological site of Guinea (El Hierro,Canary Islands)

The first data on bird hunting by the ancient people from El Hierro island are given here. Ninety-three bones have been examined from a cave situated in the archaeological site of Guinea. The majority of the bones are broken, burned and some of them have cuts showing human exploitation. There are species that have been eaten from the lower levels to the present day (Calonectris diomedea, Columba sp. and Corvus corax), one species that does not now live on El Hierro (cf. Pyrrhocorax pyrrhocorax), and an extinct species (Coturnix gomerae). © 1997 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Siberia at the Last Glacial Maximum: Environment and Archaeology

This article focuses on the presence of humans in Siberia and the Russian Far East at the coldest time of the Late Pleistocene, called the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and dated to c. 20,000–18,000 rcbp. Reconstruction of the LGM environment of Siberia, based on the latest models and compilations, provides a background for human existence in this region. Most of Siberia and the Russian Far East at c. 20,000–18,000 rcbp was covered by tundra and cool steppe, with some forest formations in the river valleys. Climate was much colder and drier than it is today. Eighteen Upper Paleolithic sites in Siberia are radiocarbon dated strictly to the LGM, and at least six of them, located in southern parts of western and eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East, have solid evidence of occupation during that time span. It seems clear that southern Siberia was populated by humans even at the height of the LGM, and that there was no dramatic decline or complete disappearance of humans in Siberia at that time. The degree of human adaptation to periglacial landscapes in the mid-Upper Paleolithic of northern Eurasia was quite high; humans coped with the cold and dry environmental conditions using microblade technology, artificial shelters, tailored clothes, and megafaunal bones as fuel. An erratum to this article can be found at     

Europe’s First Settler Colonial Incursion into Africa: The Genocide of Aboriginal Canary Islanders

The annihilation of the aboriginal societies of the Canary archipelago, which consists of seven islands off the coast of southern Morocco and was populated by indigenes derived from Berber-speaking communities of north-west Africa, represents modern Europe’s first overseas settler colonial genocide. The process of social destruction, initiated by European slave raiders in the first half of the fourteenth century, was propelled to completion by mainly Iberian conquistadors and settlers towards the end of the fifteenth century. In addition to unrestrained mass violence against Canarians, European conquerors practised near-total confiscation of land and near-total enslavement and deportation of island populations. Enslavement and deportation, which went hand in hand, accounted for the largest number of victims and were central to the genocidal process. They were in effect as destructive as killing because the victims, generally the most productive members of their communities, were permanently lost to their societies. Child confiscation, sexual violence and the use of scorched earth tactics also contributed to the devastation suffered by Canarian peoples. After conquest, the remnants of indigenous Canarian societies were subjected to ongoing violence and cultural suppression, which ensured the extinction of their way of life. That the enslavement and deportation of entire island communities was the consciously articulated aim of conquerors establishes their “intent to destroy in whole,” which is the central criterion for meeting the United Nations Convention on Genocide’s definition of genocide. This article argues that individually and collectively all seven cases of social obliteration in the Canaries represent clear examples of genocide, and it is the first article to contend that the destruction of aboriginal Canarian societies constitutes genocide.