辽祖陵黑龙门遗址发掘报告

正辽祖陵遗址位于内蒙古巴林左旗查干哈达苏木石房子嘎查西北的山谷中(图一)。辽祖陵是辽代第一个皇帝耶律阿保机的陵寝。《辽史·太祖本纪》载,天赞五年,即太宗天显元年(926年)七月,耶律阿保机率军征服渤海国后,在班师回朝的途中,猝死于扶余城。九月丁卯,耶律阿保机"梓宫至皇都,权殡于子城西北。己巳,上谥升天皇帝,庙号太祖。"天显二年(927年)八月,"葬太祖皇帝于祖陵,置祖州天城军节度使以奉陵寝"。     

辽祖州石室考

辽祖州,乃辽太祖耶律阿保机的奉陵邑,遗址位于辽上京遗址西南约25公里的山谷中,即今内蒙古赤峰市巴林左旗哈达英格乡石房子村西古城址。祖州城金碧辉煌的宫殿早已无存,只有一座群众称之为“石房子”的由巨大石板构成的石室,孑然立于荒城废墟之中。祖州石室以其奇特的构造和耐人寻味的位置,吸引着诸多文物工作者和史学爱好者来此考证、研究。本文亦就祖州石室的功用等谈几点浅     

权力整合视域下的东丹国南迁研究

辽立国之初,效法中原确立了太子继承制度。阿保机立嫡长子耶律倍为太子,后有悔意,以次子耶律德光为天下兵马大元帅,为此皇位继承问题困扰着阿保机。渤海灭亡后,他将东丹国和契丹故地分别委派皇太子耶律倍和天下兵马大元帅耶律德光管理。因辽太祖去世,耶律德光在后族支持下发动"扶余之变",在与耶律倍的政治博弈中取得皇权。耶律德光继位后将东丹国迁徙,并对契丹最高权力结构进行整合。耶律倍南逃后,人皇王妃萧氏成为东丹国名义上的首脑,而萧氏病逝,也预示着东丹国名存实亡。     

内蒙古巴林左旗辽代祖陵陵园黑龙门址和四号建筑基址

祖陵是辽代开国皇帝耶律阿保机的陵寝之地,始建于天显二年(公元927年),毁于金兵侵占辽祖陵陵园的天庆十年(1120年)。祖陵位于内蒙古     

迭剌部权力斗争与耶律阿保机建国

"释鲁之死"与"诸弟之乱"皆为迭剌部的权力斗争,与耶律阿保机建国有着千丝万缕的联系。但以往学界对"释鲁之死"的正凶问题及"诸弟之乱"中剌葛等人缘何脱罪等问题探讨不够深入,由此导致对阿保机建国这一核心问题的认识始终不够全面。作者以深度挖掘各个事件间内在联系为侧重点,尝试梳理这段历史,重新认识迭剌部权力斗争与耶律阿保机建国。     

耶律倍与东丹国诸事考

耶律倍是辽太祖耶律阿保机的长子,母为淳钦皇后。他在神册元年(916年)被立为皇太子,是耶律阿保机生前指定的皇位继承人。后来,他被迫将皇位让给耶律德光,最后奔于后唐,且死于后唐。他也曾出任东丹国的皇帝,当时号称人皇王。他死后,被辽统治者谥为让国皇帝,庙号义宗。     

一声叹息

中国历史上异族入主中原的朝代,必有一两个汉人成为其开国功臣。比如辽代开国元勋韩延徽。韩延徽原本是后唐节度使刘守光的幕僚。公元916年,契丹人耶律阿保机登基称帝,韩延徽被派往契丹当外交官。当时的韩延徽思想正统,不把蛮夷之王耶律阿保机当作一国之君,拒绝跪拜,于是被扣留,流放去牧马。     

黑龙江省历史大事要览(连载二)

<正>历史阶段:辽公元907年(契丹太祖元年,唐哀帝天祐四年)—1114年(辽天祚帝天四年,北宋徽宗政和四年)907年(契丹太祖元年、唐哀帝天祐四年)三月二十七日耶律阿保机被契丹8部贵族拥戴为皇帝,即帝位、置百官,国号契丹。史称辽太祖。二月阿保机派兵征服黑车子室韦,降其8部,同年冬再破之。     

内蒙古巴林左旗辽代祖陵考古发掘的新收获

祖陵是辽代第一个皇帝耶律阿保机及其皇后的陵寝之地,建于天显二年(公元927年)。祖陵位于内蒙古巴林左旗查干哈达苏木石房子嘎查两北的山谷中,东南约2.5公里处为其奉陵邑祖州城。祖陵坐落于     

黄金面具、铜丝网络与祖州石室

本文汇总了辽代墓葬中出土的金属面具、金属网络的实物材料,分析目前学术界有关契丹人金属面具及金属网络的几种学术观点,认为金属面具与金属网络的根源是契丹人固有的“死不墓”丧葬习俗与汉文化中“停尸、守灵、重孝”习俗相结合的产物。其功能是保留死者的尸体,美化粉饰死者,其性质是契丹人“祖灵崇拜”的反映。并由此论及现位于巴林左旗辽祖州城址之内的神秘石室,根据目前在辽墓中发现其它石室的原形,结合契丹皇族“权殡”、“厝葬”的习俗,认定祖州石室是“权殡”辽太祖耶律阿保机的场所,即《辽史·礼志》中所记的“　涂殿”。其功能应与金属面具与金属网络相类似,为临时保存尸体之用。     

The State of the Study of the State in Anthropology

Much has been published theorizing the origins of states, but ethnography has lagged behind in developing the conceptual tools to theorize the state, generally preferring to study the margins of states or “stateless” societies, even though they were enmeshed in or colonized by states. In recent decades states seem to have been bypassed by an interest in global and transnational phenomena that presumes states as political organizations to be increasingly irrelevant. This review examines three texts that cut across archaeological and socio-cultural anthropology to analyze contemporary research on states and propose new directions in the study of states.     

State power in blue

In this article I explore how geographers might go about studying the everyday contexts of police power, given specifically the emphasis today in political geography on the practice of state power. Rather than endorse police practice as a relatively accessible and straightforward realm for researchers, I emphasize instead the uneventful and sometimes disappearing aspects of police work which makes it hard to excavate and interrogate, especially for non-police. Reflecting on various fieldwork experiences, I argue that the basic methodological tools that geographers have at their disposal to bring down the ‘blue wall’ of police practices can do the opposite: produce a tentative mode of knowledge which grasps, qualitatively and quantitatively, at the problem of the social and force relations of policing. I conclude that rather than a fix to the cruddiness of police power, accepted qualitative and quantitative methodologies constitute the ‘blue wall’ of police practice.     

A State Within the State: The Inquisition in Enlightenment Thought

ABSTRACT

Enlightenment thinkers wrote many pages against the Inquisition. In particular, they widely criticized the Spanish and Portuguese inquisitions, which they regarded as the epitomes of cruelty and fanaticism. Both inquisitions were established at royal request and remained subjected to the authority of the kings until they were abolished at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Indeed, therein the kings nominated the grand inquisitors, who were invested with civil jurisdiction for reasons that were at least as much political as religious. However, Enlightenment writers almost always portrayed the Inquisition as the ultimate example of the many ills derived from clerical authority, ecclesiastical autonomy and monastic despotism. Kings and civil magistrates were, in fact, usually depicted as victims of inquisitorial power. This common portrayal of the Inquisition reveals that the Enlightenment idea of toleration was essentially constructed for reducing the power of churches to disturb public peace and challenge civil authority. Thus, this idea of toleration was in effect less capable of denouncing political intolerance, let alone of promoting the separation of church and state.     

State investment in eighteenth-century Berne

This article provides information about Berne's financial situation at the time the Economic Society was founded. The canton was in an exceptionally fortunate position, having accumulated a sizeable cash reserve that was in part used for loans and investments on the London capital market. Throughout the century, the Bernese government followed a very cautious investment strategy. The main reason for purchasing overseas securities was that they helped the patricians to become independent from tax-paying subjects. Economic imperatives ruled out increases of the cash reserve or further involvement in the overcrowded domestic capital market. However, by investing abroad Berne became increasingly dependent on the goodwill of its debtors, for which it was criticised by the Economic Patriots amongst others.     

Warfare and State Formation in Hawaii

Between 1782 and 1812, Kamehameha I conquered and unified the Hawaiian Islands. This process was unprecedented in Hawaii and coincided with increasing European contact, prompting many to attribute his success to European weapons and ideas. Those studying chiefly power in pre-unification Hawaii emphasise economic and ideological factors and fail to examine coercive capabilities in any detail, as well as the specifics of time and place. The approaches of other disciplines offer new perspectives. European military historians' emphasis on the importance of logistical, organisational and psychological factors calls for a re-evaluation of the significance of European weaponry and mercenaries in Kamehameha's wars of unification. He gained victory because his opponents overextended themselves logistically, and were weakened by internal divisions at crucial times. Military victory alone was not enough to secure power. Kamehameha also mastered the art of building and maintaining coalitions. Demilitarisation of the islands was central to the unification process.     

Building State Failure in East Timor

East Timor is the newest state of the twenty–first century. Yet its human development indicators compare with the most severely collapsed states in the world. Two and a half years of international administration by the United Nations seems to have had little effect on a social and political reality that has evolved by itself. In effect, the UN has given birth to a failed state. The purpose of governorship types of intervention — which attempt to (re)build governments that have collapsed or states that have failed — was to take control of a local political process and break with an abusive past. This aim was the rationale behind the most total form of international administration — UN statehood and international sovereignty in East Timor. In practice, however, the intervention failed to decentralize its own absolutist form of authority, but succeeded in excluding the local population from the equation. If there is to be any future for interventions that are both effective and legitimate, then they will need to guarantee much greater and genuine integration of the local population. ‘Participatory intervention’ is the next doctrinal puzzle to solve in the evolution of international state–building enterprises of any brand.