日本的动漫攻略对我国的影响

日本是动漫大国,极力向世界推广其动漫,同时使日本的社会文化潜移默化地被世界了解和接受。另外日本动漫也不乏色情、暴力和歪曲历史的内容。本文主要讨论日本动漫对我国负面影响。     

电视综艺节目类型化的弊端及改进策略

类型化是我国电视节目发展历程必须经历的阶段,但同时也可能引发种种负面影响和弊端。本文分析了国内电视综艺节目类型化带来的弊端,并针对类型化所带来的弊端简要地提出了一些合理性建议。     

浅谈电视编导的创新思维和创新能力

创新思维和创新能力是当代电视编导所应具备的基本素质,也是电视编导积极应对创新型社会发展的重要标志。随着电视节目创作理念和制作技术的不断更新与发展,电视媒体面临着新的机遇与挑战,电视编导应当真正把握电视节目制作的艺术规律,保持与时俱进、终身学习的良好状态,完善创新思维,培养创新能力,制作出更多的电视节目精品,为促进我国电视事业的进一步发展壮大做出个人的贡献。     

论电视编导的创新思维

我国电视创作事业现在日新月异,电视编导由此也成为一个关系公众的一个很重要又很独特的职业。电视节目的收视率和受欢迎程度需要电视节目不断的就进行创新,这样才能在电视节目的竞争中稳居。然而电视节目的创新最需要的是电视编导的创新思维,这就需要电视编导根据社会潮流的变化,不断的激发自身的创新思维,满足观众的需求。     

浅谈电视节日分类体系的构建原则——兼评张海潮先生的《中国电视节目分类体系》

无论是在西方还是在东方电视行业,电视节目的分类一直是电视业内和学界人士共同关注的问题。到目前为止,中国的电视业还缺乏一套通行且可与国际接轨的电视节目分类系统。在我国电视市场迅速成熟之际,借鉴西方国家的节目分类体系,结合我国的实际国情和已有的研究应用成果,对电视节目进行更为系统科学的分类,这对促进我国电视业的科学化、产业化发展有相当重要的现实意义。     

浅析电视节日剪辑艺术

电视节目的剪辑是电视艺术的重要组成部分。剪辑艺术是在电视电影的发展过程中应运而生并不断发展完善,又推动了电影电视的发展和成熟。剪辑并不意味着单纯的工艺操作,它是一个富有创造性劳动的阶段,直接影响到银幕形像的完整性和感染力,决定着电视节目的质量。     

大型直播节目的声音制作特点研究

众所周知,中国电视事业的发展完全是跟随者科学技术与多媒体技术的发展而兴起的,人们已经体验了电视技术从黑白电视机到彩色电视机再到现在的数字技术的电视节目的更新换代,然而目前广大电视节目中,大家所津津乐道的一种电视节目就当属大型直播节目了,本文重要介绍大型直播节目的声音制作特点,希望本文的研究为相关行业人员提供一些帮助,也希望各位同行提出批评指正。     

“好色客”让美国政要心惊肉跳

有人骂他是"泼皮"、"人渣",有人却说他是"政坛性丑闻的清道夫"。6月3日,美国"色情大亨"拉里·弗林特故伎重演,拿出百万美元,征集政客的性丑闻。这位建造了自己的"色情王国"的传奇人物,这次又将怎样折腾美国政坛?     

微博走进电视的民俗变化

微博走进电视的原因为受众的需求,媒体利益追求的促使,名人和社会的认可,在电视节目中的运用形式为在电视节目中越来越常见、为电视节目的信息来源、微博信息为电视娱乐节目的一部分,存在问题为缺少把关人、监管难度大、赢利不清晰。     

浅谈广播电视编导领域经验

近年来随着我国的广播电视事业的飞速发展,广播电视编导已经成为重要而又新颖的工作职业。一个电视节目要想在同领域中获胜,进取创新是唯一的方法,电视节目的创新其中心是调动电视编导的创新思维能力。在新的形势下,电视编导需要具备与众不同的创新思维才能满足社会的需要。     

“Rousers of the Rabble” in the New Mexico Land Grant War: La Alianza Federal De Mercedes and the Violence of the State

Abstract: This paper examines the patterns of state‐sponsored and state‐tolerated violence directed at a social movement organization in New Mexico known as La Alianza Federal de Mercedes during the 1960s and 1970s. Beginning in the 1960s, Alianza mobilized a broad‐based movement of Chicano activists and Hispano land grant communities to advocate the return of lands they claimed had been stolen following the Mexican American War of 1846–1848. As a result, its leaders and many of its members became targets of law enforcement surveillance programs and counterintelligence operations. In this paper I examine the patterns of surveillance and physical violence directed at Alianza members. Confronted by Alianza's challenge to racial inequality and economic injustice, the state construed Alianza as a generalized, and racialized, threat to social order that required in response the use of coercive control and physical violence.     

‘Peace begins at home’: Geographic imaginaries of violence and peacebuilding in northern Uganda

While there is an acknowledgment of the importance of geographic and historical context in contemporary feminist scholarship on the relationship between domestic violence and warfare, there remains an assumption that mainstream narratives will tend to separate these forms of violence or, if connections are acknowledged, warfare will be given primacy. Based on ethnographic research in northern Uganda, I demonstrate how the presence of Orientalist narratives of violence in peacebuilding programs disrupts these assumptions by not only drawing connections between domestic violence and warfare but prioritizing domestic violence. I argue that these narratives of violence, and their associated geographic imaginaries, contribute to uneven geographies of intervention – geographies in which racialized bodies and intimate spaces are associated with war and thereby seen as appropriate sites for peacebuilding. By engaging with peacebuilding programs as sites of geopolitical negotiations in which variously scaled actors are vying for position in the post-war landscape, I argue that the tendency for peacebuilding programs to focus on a singular site of intervention – ‘the Acholi home’ – says less about the centrality of this site to the creation of peace than it does about the centrality of this site in maintaining the networks of mutual legitimization amongst peacebuilding partners.     

American digger and archaeology (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

This editorial reflects on the nature of public archaeology. It looks at the relationship archaeologists have with popular TV, focusing in particular on the new series American digger by Spike TV, and Diggers by National Geographic, and reflects on the relationship archaeologists have with amateurs using metal detectors to uncover treasures.     

“Stones run it”: taking back control of organized crime in Chicago, 1940-1975

In the 1960s and 1970s African American “supergangs” emerged in Chicago. Many scholars have touted the “prosocial” goals of these gangs but fail to contextualize them in the larger history of black organized crime. Thus, they have overlooked how gang members sought to reclaim the underground economy in their neighborhoods. Yet even as gangs drove out white organized crime figures, they often lacked the know-how to reorganize the complex informal economy. Inexperienced gang members turned to extreme violence, excessive recruitment programs, and unforgiving extortion schemes to take power over criminal activities. These methods alienated black citizens and exacerbated tensions with law enforcement. In addition, the political shelter enjoyed by the previous generation of black criminals was turned into pervasive pressure to break up street gangs. Black street gangs fulfilled their narrow goal of community control of vice. Their interactions with their neighbors, however, remained contentious.     

Slum Wars of the 21st Century: Gangs,Mano Dura and the New Urban Geography of Conflict in Central America

The political economy of violence in Central America is widely perceived as having undergone a critical shift during the past two decades, often pithily summarized as a movement from ‘political’ to ‘social’ violence. Although such an analysis is plausible, it also offers a depoliticized vision of the contemporary Central American panorama of violence. Basing itself principally on the example of Nicaragua, the country in the region that is historically perhaps most paradigmatically associated with violence, this article offers an alternative interpretation of the changes that the regional landscape of violence has undergone. It suggests that these are better understood as a movement from ‘peasant wars of the twentieth century’ ( Wolf, 1969 ) to ‘urban wars of the twenty‐first century’ ( Beall, 2006 ), thereby highlighting how present‐day urban violence can in many ways be seen as representing a structural continuation of past political conflicts, albeit in new spatial contexts. At the same time, however, there are certain key differences between past and present violence, as a result of which contemporary conflict has intensified. This is most visible in relation to the changing forms of urban spatial organization in Central American cities, the heavy‐handed mano dura response to gangs by governments, and the dystopian evolutionary trajectory of gangs. Taken together, these processes point to a critical shift in the balance of power between rich and poor in the region, as the new ‘urban wars of the twenty‐first century’ are increasingly giving way to more circumscribed ‘slum wars’ that effectively signal the defeat of the poor.     

Race Always Mattered: Black-on-Black Mob Violence and Interracial Relations in Kansas

This study examines black-on-black mob violence and situates it within the historiography of mob disorder in the United States more generally. Unlike previous such studies, this one employs intra-racial violence among blacks as a prism through which to explore interracial relations between blacks and whites. It examines the roles that whites assumed in these incidents, the objectives that they pursued, and the influence that they exercised over the trajectory of subsequent events. Rather than focusing on lynching alone, as have previous studies, this one addresses several non-lethal types of mob violence, such as beatings, whippings, and the like, as well as the threat of violence, as embodied in threatened lynchings. Moving away from the usual focus on the American South and the years from 1880 until 1930, this study examines the Midwestern state of Kansas in the years from 1869 until 1911.     

“陈果仁案”与亚美民权运动

为深入研究1982年“陈果仁案”给亚裔民权斗争提供的借鉴和警示,通过对“陈果仁案”的剖析,对华人和亚裔群体努力为陈果仁争取司法公正的行动及其影响进行了阐述和探讨。底特律司法部门对此案凶手的轻判,促使底特律和全美的华人及其他亚裔群体,以美国公民伸张正义联合会为领导中心,掀起了为陈果仁争取司法公正的抗议和声援运动。“陈果仁案”是一起典型的反亚裔暴力案件,它在亚美民权运动进程中具有十分重要的意义。     

From British mandate to post Anglo‐American invasion: Reproduction of ethno‐sectarian divides and the breakdown of social cohesion in Mosul

The invasion of Iraq in 2003 ushered in an era of great uncertainty and turbulence that left the country in an economically crippled, politically unstable, and socially desperate situation. While the built‐in ethno‐sectarian divides have been widely used as analytical categories to address the enduring violence in both Mosul and the rest of Iraq, little attention has been paid to the connection between the long‐term Anglo‐American invasion of Iraq and the ethno‐sectarian violence that currently characterizes Mosul. This study argues that while ethnic and sectarian loyalties have historically persisted in their social forms since the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the highly politicized and violent forms of ethno‐sectarian conflict are modern phenomena, produced and reproduced under the conditions of the decades‐long British and American interventions. The study retrospectively evaluates the current dynamics of ethno‐sectarian confrontations in Mosul through two stages in the long historiography of modern Iraq. The first section reveals how Britain’s mismanagement of colonial Iraq set the initial conditions for communal cleavages and instability in today’s Mosul. Later, the second section turns its attention toward the contemporary manifestation of ethno‐sectarian violence, particularly under the U.S.‐led occupation.     

The Afghanistan-Pakistan Wars, 2008-2009: Micro-geographies,Conflict Diffusion,and Clusters of Violence

A team of political geographers analyzes over 5,000 violent events collected from media reports for the Afghanistan and Pakistan conflicts during 2008 and 2009. The violent events are geocoded to precise locations and the authors employ an exploratory spatial data analysis approach to examine the recent dynamics of the wars. By mapping the violence and examining its temporal dimensions, the authors explain its diffusion from traditional foci along the border between the two countries. While violence is still overwhelmingly concentrated in the Pashtun regions in both countries, recent policy shifts by the American and Pakistani governments in the conduct of the war are reflected in a sizeable increase in overall violence and its geographic spread to key cities. The authors identify and map the clusters (hotspots) of conflict where the violence is significantly higher than expected and examine their shifts over the two-year period. Special attention is paid to the targeting strategy of drone missile strikes and the increase in their number and geographic extent by the Obama administration.     

Clan Claims: Land,Law and Violence in the Papua New Guinea Eastern Highlands1

Land has become the source of new end more complex disputes in Papua New Guinea in recent years. Economic opportunities associated with government programs and multinational corporations have altered land values in rural districts. This paper examines how in the context of such shifting attitudes toward land, competing groups in an Eastern Highlands district use both law and violence in their confrontations. One component of the legal strategies pursued includes the elaboration of clan stories to legitimize claims before the courts. Yet, while rural elites and their families may desire the support of the law in their economic pursuits, the realities of intergroup violence set limits on the likely success of this approach.