《日美相互合作及安全保障条约》新论

《日美相互合作及安全保障条约》(一般称为新《日美安保条约》)标志着美日关系发展的新阶段。美国将修改《日美安保条约》作为确保自由使用冲绳军事基地的手段,而日本将其作为争取返还冲绳的重要途径。新《日美安保条约》确定了“事前协商”制,又保留了种种“例外”。新《日美安保条约》在适用范围问题上采取了“日本本土”与“远东”并用的方式。这一切都体现了美日两国战略利益的差异与汇合。     

论佐藤内阁时期的日美关系——从依附走向相互依存

佐藤内阁时期（１９６４·１１·９——１９７２·７·７）是战后日美关系史上的一个重要转折时期。这期间日本利用日益膨胀的经济实力,借美国深陷越南战争的泥沼不能自拔、经济实力大幅度滑坡、在远东急需日本提供战略合作的有利时机,围绕越南战争、东南亚开发、东亚战略“换肩”、小笠原、冲绳的施政权归还等问题展开频繁的首脑外交,不仅顺利解决了日本战败遗留下来的日美间最大的外交课题,而且顺利实现了日美在远东的战略“换肩”,极大地提高了日本在美国远东战略中的地位和作用。使日美关系从战后日本对美依附时代,进入了日美相互依存时代,为７０年代初日本结束“战后”时期迈出了决定性的一步。     

二战后日美之间的冲绳行政权归还交涉

二战后日本政府一直致力于收复冲绳主权。经过日本历届政府多年的努力,到佐藤政权时期日本终于成功地收回了冲绳施政权,并实现了＂撤出核武器和本土一样＂的归还目标。但日本收回的是对冲绳的行政管理权,美军在冲绳不仅依然保有其军事基地,而且还拥有相当的军事行动自由。为此,日美还专门签订一份保障美军行动自由的秘密协定。冲绳问题的解决对于日美两国来说是一次外交上的双赢。它不仅成功解决了二战后日美之间的领土问题,而且成功实现了日美关系的转换。从此日美关系从日本对美依附走向了日美相互依存。     

关于中日钓鱼岛争端中"美国因素"的历史考察

文章对中日钓鱼岛争端中的“美国因素”进行了系统考察。二战后美国的日本政策与钓鱼岛问题的产生、发展及变化有着密切联系。在冷战的国际背景下,美国政府通过托管琉球与“第27号令”将中国钓鱼岛纳入其托管之下。20世纪70年代初美国又将钓鱼岛的“施政权”作为冲绳的一部分“归还”给日本,为中日钓鱼岛争端打下“楔子”。冷战结束以来,美国政府在钓鱼岛主权归属上由“模糊中立”到当今小布什政府的“小心介入”,反映了美国政府在钓鱼岛问题立场上的变化。     

关于中日钓鱼岛主权的历史争端与战略思考

在中日间围绕钓鱼岛主权的争端中,日本屡屡挑战中国国家利益的底线,成为中日关系发展面临的最大障碍与核心问题。日本政府通过不断促使钓鱼岛列岛主权争端的升级,掀动“中国威胁”论,调整和扩充日本的军事力量,并通过日美同盟把美国紧紧捆绑在日本的战略布局当中,实现一石三乌的战略效应。日本安保战略和政策的调整明确而具体地反映了日本对...     

美日奄美群岛归还及台湾当局的因应对策研究北大核心CSSCI

奄美群岛为琉球群岛之一部分,"二战"后连同琉球其他岛屿被美国控制。战后日本利用复杂的国际局势,力促奄美群岛"回归";而美国受制于国际环境的变动及本国利益集团的博弈,一再对日让步,满足日本的利益需求。美日奄美群岛"归还",是国民党当局败退台湾后在琉球问题上迎来的第一个挑战,但国民党当局已经丧失了对琉球处理的话语权,在奄美问题上无奈大干抗争。同时,奄美群岛"归还"后,美国琉球民政府重新划定美军控制琉球的地域范围,以经纬度的形式把属于中国的钓鱼岛及其附属岛屿也划进去,最终形成了今天的钓鱼岛问题。     

日美军事同盟,想挑起战争吗?

进入21世纪以来,世界各地的"军事同盟"多已淡出人们的视线。然而,在亚太地区,日本与美国的"军事合作"却日益热络,令本地区愈来愈多地瞥见冷兵器的寒光。在10月3日举行的日美安全磋商委员会上,双方表示,为合作应对"21世纪威胁",将加强日本自卫队和美军的防卫合作,并将于2014年底前制订新版《日美防卫合作指针》。此外,从今年12月起,美军将在其驻冲绳嘉手纳基地部署P8反潜侦察机;美方明年春天将向日本派驻"全球鹰"无人侦察机;为     

台湾当局对奄美群岛移交的因应

奄美群岛是琉球群岛的一部分。1951年9月8日,《旧金山和约》签署,美国获得琉球群岛等岛屿的行政管辖权。为了扶植日本,对抗苏联,美国拟将奄美群岛的行政管辖权移交日本。台湾当局认为,包括奄美群岛在内的琉球群岛的主权属于琉球人民,不属于日本。台湾当局与美国政府展开沟通,指出美国此举将挑战《开罗宣言》《波茨坦宣言》,公开支持琉球人民追求自治。台湾一些民众向美国国会中的参议员打电报,劝告美国勿将奄美群岛交给日本管辖。1953年12月24日,美日两国在东京签署了关于奄美群岛的协定,根据《旧金山和约》第三条,美国将奄美群岛的行政管辖权移交日本。同时,美国政府发表声明,将继续管辖冲绳群岛、先岛群岛等岛屿。     

二战后美国对日本的粮食战略及其影响

二战后,日本经济凋零,粮食短缺问题严重,国民生计惨淡,社会矛盾丛生。为了解决这些问题,美国占领当局分别从外部和内部开展粮食援助和粮食强征。这一系列政策在实现美国自身的经济需求与政治目的的同时,也确实对日本的农业与社会步入正常化发挥了重要作用,为之后日本的经济腾飞奠定了坚实基础。战后初期的粮食政策连同日本经济复苏后美国长期实施的粮食倾销,共同构成了二战后美国对日粮食战略的主要内容。美国的粮食战略缓解了战后初期日本严重的粮食危机,部分解决了美国国内的粮食过剩问题,改变了日本人的饮食结构与饮食习惯,挤压了该国粮食的生存能力和发展空间,影响了日本的粮食安全乃至政治、经济主权与独立发展进程,也加剧了美日间的贸易摩擦。     

日美安保体制再定位

日美安保体制再定位李阁楠美国总统克林顿和日本首相桥本龙太郎１９９６年４月１７日在东京共同签署了《日美安全保障联合宣言》强调坚持日本与美国之间的牢固同盟关系在冷战后仍具有重要价值。日美安保体制将“继续成为２１世纪亚洲太平洋地区维护安全和繁荣的基础”。宣...     

Underplaying the ‘Okinawa card’: how Japan negotiates its alliance with the United States

The US military bases in the Japanese prefecture of Okinawa have long been a source of domestic political opposition to the US–Japan alliance. As an alliance management issue, the ongoing troubles surrounding the bases raise questions as to when and why states adopt particular bargaining strategies when dealing with allies. Why, for instance, has the Japanese government not made greater use of this ‘Okinawa card’ when negotiating alliance issues with the USA? Even though highlighting particular domestic problems as a part of a negotiating strategy (known as tying hands) should appeal to a weaker ally such as Japan, this article argues that in the Okinawan case the reverse has been true. Japan has generally, though not always, sought to minimise or downplay domestic opposition to its alliance agreements, essentially preferring a cutting-slack to a tying-hands approach. The Japanese experience suggests that when states which are directly dependent on an alliance for their security see their security environment as unstable, they view tying-hands strategies as too likely to undermine their bargaining credibility. Maintaining credibility is important in an alliance bargaining context because it is a way for such states to signal their commitment to an alliance and so guard against abandonment.     

The US military base network and contemporary colonialism: Power projection, resistance and the quest for operational unilateralism

This article explores the contemporary global network of US military bases. This paper examines how the geography of this network is shaped not only by military objectives but also by resistance from allied governments and communities adjacent to bases. Using examples from Guam, Puerto Rico, Okinawa and other locales this paper examines how local resistances to US bases have caused the Department of Defense to increasingly rely on non-sovereign islands as sites for bases. These sites, military strategists believe, will enable the military to train without hindrance and to operate without the need for consultation with allies. These colonies, however, are also sites were military activities are actively resisted. The resulting base network is thus shaped not only by global military priorities, but also by an increasingly globalized network of local social movements resisting militarization.     

LIVING WITH THE LONG CYCLE TODAY

There is a need for a new rationale to guide American security policy, including arms control and disarmament. In light of fundamental changes in the external and internal environment, American security policy would appear to have to rest on the following four assumptions: (1) the multiplication of threats, allies, and adversaries; (2) the disparity between greater absolute military power at the disposal of the United States and greater relative impotence in wielding it to influence events abroad; (3) the globalization yet divisibility of American and international security, economic, and political regime interests; and (4) the persistence of divided domestic consensus as the shaky basis from which to project American military power to shape the international environment in ways congenial to often conflicting American preferences.     

Global multipolarity,European security and implications for UK grand strategy: back to the future,once again

The international system is returning to multipolarity—a situation of multiple Great Powers—drawing the post‐Cold War ‘unipolar moment’ of comprehensive US political, economic and military dominance to an end. The rise of new Great Powers, namely the ‘BRICs’—Brazil, Russia, India, and most importantly, China—and the return of multipolarity at the global level in turn carries security implications for western Europe. While peaceful political relations within the European Union have attained a remarkable level of strategic, institutional and normative embeddedness, there are five factors associated with a return of Great Power competition in the wider world that may negatively impact on the western European strategic environment: the resurgence of an increasingly belligerent Russia; the erosion of the US military commitment to Europe; the risk of international military crises with the potential to embroil European states; the elevated incentive for states to acquire nuclear weapons; and the vulnerability of economically vital European sea lines and supply chains. These five factors must, in turn, be reflected in European states’ strategic behaviour. In particular, for the United Kingdom—one of western Europe's two principal military powers, and its only insular (offshore) power—the return of Great Power competition at the global level suggests that a return to offshore balancing would be a more appropriate choice than an ongoing commitment to direct military interventions of the kind that have characterized post‐2001 British strategy.     

Anti-Prostitution Politics and Militarised Urban Prosperity in the US Military Camptown in Korea

Camptowns (kijich'on) are neighbourhoods located near US military bases in Korea that are organised around the military service economy, especially the sex industry. While most studies of Korean camptowns point to the US military's involvement with the camptown sex industry as evidence of US military imperialism, this article argues that since 2004 anti-prostitution polices have been essential to stabilising American militarisation in Korea's urban realm. Focusing on Anjeong-ri, a camptown located adjacent to Camp Humphreys, the largest overseas US military base on the planet, the article examines how Korean development actors invoke hierarchies of race, gender, sexuality, and class to distance the camptown from the sex industry and to construct the camptown as a space of militarised urban prosperity. By showing emerging ways in which US military empire works through anti-prostitution policies and through the urban system in Korea, the argument poses a challenge to anti-prostitution feminists who have long located evidence of American empire in the sex industry itself.     

战后初期日本金融改革与主银行体制的延续

战后初期的日本金融改革,是在盟军统帅部要求摧毁日本军国主义经济基础和战后初期日本经济濒临崩溃的双重背景下进行的。金融改革在摧毁战时金融的基础上,进一步试图将日本金融“美国化”,但因美国体制在日本“水土不服”,“美国化”最终归于“日本化”。本文在论述日本金融改革的基础上,考察战时日本金融的状况,得出战时形成的主银行体制在改革期间并未被中止,而是依然延续的结论。     

Beyond Obstruction: Blockades as Productive Reorientations

This paper examines blockades not as disruptions in logistical circulations, but as entities which aim to reorient and produce different political and social processes. Inspired by Deleuzean conceptualisations of assemblage, this paper emphasises the ways blockades and occupations arise from globe-spanning networks of social relations which then attempt to produce alternative regimes of governance through reorienting places and their topologies of interconnection. To make these points, this paper engages with three case studies which highlight different kinds of blockades. One example focuses on the regional scale where US military interests have expressed concern over potential blockades of Sea Lines of Communication due to the rising geopolitical and economic influence of China in the island Pacific. The second example focuses on blockades at the construction site of a US military base on the coast of Henoko, Okinawa. The third example examines blockade protests by Kanaka Maoli kia‘i (protectors) on Maunakea in Hawai‘i.     

战后日本安全观的延续与发展

安全观的变化是透视安全政策以及安全政策形成的重要根据。战后日本安全政策的形成既有延续的一面,也有变化的一面。本文将其划分为两个时期,并从区分的五个不同阶段入手,在沿用传统日本安全研究方法的基础上,从安全目标、手段及其与当时政治情势关联的视角对日本安全观的发展进行了透视。本文与其说是对日本安全观变化的一个历史性的梳理,毋宁说是对不同时期安全观变化和延续及其形成动因进行的一种必要的区分,希望以此揭示出影响日本安全政策变化的主要的、核心的要素以及这些要素不同时期的序列变化。