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1.
《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2013,7(1):3-12
As the founders of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai dedicated themselves to the construction of the new country. Mao Zedong drew up the overall strategies for China and Zhou Enlai was responsible for their concrete implementation. They had good working relations. At the same time, Mao and Zhou had different opinions and disagreed on certain issues, as it was natural to have different perspectives and thinking. Despite sharing a common objective to carry out a socialist modernization, they slightly disagreed on priorities. 相似文献
2.
Ruben Gonzalez-Vicente 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2015,69(2):205-223
China's foreign policy has been long committed to a principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign countries. While one could easily point out past and present-day inconsistencies in its implementation, this article argues that defenders and critics of the principle both rely on a limited interpretation of ‘interference’ or ‘intervention’ based on an ideology of Westphalian sovereignty. Particularly problematic is the conceptual distinction between the ‘political’ or ‘diplomatic’, on the one hand, and the ‘economic’, on the other. As Polanyi's concept of embeddedness reminds us, markets, society and politics occur simultaneously, and can only act as discrete realms in epistemological abstractions. It is thus argued that non-interference is a semi-formal institution that governs China's diplomatic engagements and affects its economic activities. While the totality of China's interactions with the world has diverse and sometimes contradictory impacts on global governance, non-interference itself has apparent consequences for the rescaling of regional economic governance. Specifically, this article contends that Chinese non-interference results in the empowerment of political elites at national levels, and thus in the (re-)emergence of the nation state as a gatekeeper and facilitator of the advancement of capitalist enterprises. As a result, through non-intervention, China's foreign policy undermines supranational regulatory approaches and fosters state-based regional architectures. 相似文献
3.
This article analyses the politics around the infamous Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) ‘sedition’ case of February 2016, focusing particularly on its media representations. It shows how the case was, from its outset, embroiled in the politics of representation, with questions of truth and lies receding into the background to give way to clashes of opinion – however unfounded they may have been in information, fact or truth – broadly reflecting the nature of the public sphere in these ‘post-truth’ times. Further, it analyses how the protests at JNU following the event sought to project an image of the university countering right-wing representations, while also enriching debates on nationalism, democracy, dissent and freedom of speech. It concludes by showing how the hostile representations of JNU fitted well with overall politics, combining the hyper-nationalism and neoliberalism, promoted by the current regime led by the Bharatiya Janata Party and the right-wing Hindu nationalist and supremacist paramilitary volunteer organisation, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. 相似文献
4.
Dietlind Hüchtker 《European Review of History》2018,25(6):868-884
AbstractThe article discusses the meanings of popular culture, authenticity and history in People’s Republic of Poland. As an example it uses a popular film trilogy. The trilogy Sami swoi, Nie ma mocnych and Kochaj albo rzu? (‘All friends here’, ‘Take it easy’ and ‘Love or leave me’) was shown in Polish cinemas between 1967 and 1977. The reviews were written just after the premières. The article uses the concepts of time and space elaborated by Mikhail Bakhtin and Doreen Massey to analyze the different chronotopes of the films. It analyses both the films and the reviews as strategies of creating authenticity and creating cultural meanings: the meaning of history and the meanings of rurality. I will show how history and present, memory and society are interwoven in the light of popular production. In addition, I will emphasize the diverse interpretation possibilities resulting from this micro-historical view and the transnational critique of modernism highlighting the small and local which emerged throughout Europe in the 1970s. 相似文献
5.
朝鲜战争后,根据中朝双方签订的经济及文化合作协定,大批朝鲜实习生于1954—1961年来到中国接受培训。中国有关部门、上海各实习工厂自上而下地构建起相应的组织管理体系,为朝鲜实习生顺利完成培训任务创造了良好的条件,并在日常生活方面对他们给予了周到细致的照顾,探索建立了一套行之有效的培训体系,使朝鲜实习生回国时大多具备了一定的专业技术能力,有的还在某些领域取得了突出的成绩,为朝鲜国民经济的恢复和发展培养了不可或缺的技术人才。 相似文献
6.
新中国建立以来,党的经济理论总的来说是既以马克思主义为指导,又从中国实际出发,不断摆脱教条主义与本本主义,在许多方面发展了马克思主义的经济理论,如毛泽东的《论十大关系》便是对马克思主义经济学的新发展,同时他还强调商品生产的必要性和价值规律的客观必炼性;党的十一届三中全会以后社会主义初级阶段理论的提出与发展,从理论上弄清了什么是社会主义和如何建设社会主义的问题,提出和实践了社会主义市场经济理论并取得了令世界瞩目的成就,与此同时,在社会主义建设过程中也曾出现过经济理论方面的失误。 相似文献
7.
Garry Woodard 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2018,72(2):163-178
History, little understood, shows that for 55 years a policy of ‘strategic ambiguity’ about the application of the Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty to Taiwan, a flashpoint in Asia, served Australia well. Return to it could lessen the risks of embroilment in any Sino-American war in East Asia, and enhance Australia’s middle-power options. 相似文献
8.
中国社会科学院当代中国研究所著《中华人民共和国简史(1949-2019)》一书,于2019年9月由当代中国出版社出版。该书共6章、15万多字,记述了新中国成立70年来波澜壮阔的历史,展示了党和国家取得的重大历史性成就,是中华民族从站起来、富起来到强起来的真实写照。历史是最好的教科书。作为梳理新中国历史经验的优秀读物,该书可以帮助广大干部群众学习新中国史,并且已经被中共中央组织部、中共中央宣传部列为学习新中国史的重点教材之一。 相似文献
9.
国家崛起涉及政治、经济、科技、文化以及国际关系等诸多条件,其中经济是基础,科技是关键,政治是推动力;欧美国家在科技革命、制度创新和思想观念方面实现了创造性的转换,正是由于这些天时、地利、人和的有利优势,才率先实现了国家繁荣与富强。近代欧美大国实现这一历史性转变,其经验有可借鉴之处。 相似文献
10.
Elena Meyer-Clement 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2017,23(4):415-432
Since the 1990s, the Chinese political leadership has gradually embraced the commercialisation of the film sector and has turned the liberalisation of entertainment content production into a strategy for generating legitimacy. This article traces the evolution of Chinese film policy from its Communist origins to the present day, and reveals that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), at the same time, has never desisted from using film production to establish hegemony in a Gramscian sense, and that these efforts have even been intensified over the last decade. The second part of the article scrutinises how the CCP’s mechanisms of control and ideological guidance have been adapted to commercialisation and, based on personal interviews with Beijing film producers in 2006 and 2007, investigates the extent to which the intensified efforts of adaptation since 2003 have been able to persuade the private sector of film production to participate in maintaining CCP hegemony. 相似文献
11.
新世纪以来,中华人民共和国史研究作为一门新兴的历史学科,取得了显著的成绩和进步。近十余年来,随着国史学界对国史研究基本问题认识的不断深化,出版了一批具有通史性的国史著作、资料性研究著作、专史性研究著作,使国史重大问题的研究取得了新的进展。认真研究已有成果,评述国史研究的发展状况,并提出推进国史研究的一些思考,将为这一新兴学科的发展提供有益借鉴。 相似文献
12.
对山东泰安高校开展问卷调查,目的是了解当前国史教育在省属本专科院校的基本状况,了解新时代大学生对国家一些重大政策和决策的学习认知情况,为完善和改进以高校思想政治理论课为依托的国史教育提供依据。通过数据统计和分析可知,当前高校国史教育成效显著,绝大多数大学生具备基本的国史素养,同时发现大学生的国史素养、认同水平、教育效果与其专业、年级、政治面貌有关。为了在当代大学生中继续深入开展国史教育,建议要进一步理顺高校国史教育的体制和机制、开设“中华人民共和国史”课程、打造一支高水平的国史教育队伍、创新国史教育模式和加大高校国史教育的督导检查力度。 相似文献
13.
Anna Upchurch 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2013,19(3):239-254
The Canada Council marks its fiftieth anniversary in 2007. The third national arts council to be established after the Arts Council of Great Britain in 1946, it was created on the recommendation of a Royal Commission chaired by Vincent Massey, a Canadian philanthropist and diplomat. While it differed from the ACGB in its early scope and organization, it was and is an arm’s‐length body. Using unpublished and published sources, I track Massey’s social contacts during his tenure as High Commissioner to London from 1935 to 1946, where he served on the war‐time boards of the National Gallery and the Tate. This work put him in social contact with Samuel Courtauld, J. M. Keynes, and Kenneth Clark, who were engaged in the governance of British national arts organizations. My findings illustrate the influence that friendships and social networks played in arts policy formulation in these early years of the arts council model. 相似文献
14.
日本政府延至1913年10月才正式承认中华民国,但又规定在内外公文中要以“支那”或“支那国”称呼中国。在30年代末和40年代初,又先后将其改为“中华民国”和“中国”。每一次改称背后都包含着分裂或独占中国的野心,也是民国时期日本对华政策和中日交涉中的一个症结。 相似文献
15.
《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(2):107-112
The conflict between science and religion dominates public debate about bioethical issues. However, this conflict is a bad guide to the real and sometimes tragic dilemmas of bioethics. It frequently obscures important practical and theoretical differences between otherwise like-minded commentators over such questions as the relative importance of cloning versus abortion, what it means to live well while dying, and whether human dignity is best understood as equal and universal or as comparative and based on particular human excellences. In this article, the author reviews the treatments of several controversies concerning the role of religion in bioethics in the recent work of the President's Council on Bioethics and concludes that these treatments have failed to reach the real questions confronting us in bioethics. 相似文献
16.
Alan Tidwell 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2021,75(1):103-119
ABSTRACT Scholarship on paradiplomacy, or sub-national diplomacy, has often focused on economics, trade, cooperation and politics. The deepening of strategic competition between the People’s Republic of China and the United States has raised the stakes for sub-national diplomacy. While US-PRC strategic competition occurs primarily at the national level, the subnational level plays an important role in terms of creating opportunities for influence and advancing the strategic interests. In this article recent paradiplomacy in the Indo-Pacific is examined, as is the is the intersection of paradiplomacy with strategic competition. 相似文献
17.
徐百永 《中国边疆史地研究》2007,17(1):72-81
民国时期,英国以赠送、出售方式向中国西藏提供了大批武器,对于英国控制西藏,攫取更多权益,将西藏纳入其缓冲地带战略轨道发挥了重要作用。英国对藏武器供应成为撬动英国与中国西藏之间关系的重要杠杆。本文利用英国印度事务部档案及其他史料,对这一时期英国向中国西藏武器供应的时间、种类和数量做了澄清,并论述了其性质。 相似文献
18.
Brian Yecies 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2016,22(5):770-786
Official film co-production treaties are designed by policymakers to stimulate a range of collaborations, technology transfers, and joint funding initiatives in the industry. Since July 2004, the Chinese government has used this top-down approach to cultural diplomacy as a symbolic tool for advancing Chinese cinema and opening the domestic market to a host of willing international partners. Korean filmmakers in particular have exploited the (often informal) opportunities presented, engaging in vigorous cooperation with Chinese colleagues across all sectors of the production ecosystem. The continuing flow of Chinese–Korean transnational film encounters, underpinned by influential personal networks, resulted in the signing of a formal China–Korea co-production agreement in July 2014. To examine the efficacy of this policy intervention, this article analyzes the diversity of film collaboration that preceded this agreement and its impact on transnational filmmaking in China. It investigates the strategies used in the remaking of Korean auteur Lee Man Hee’s 1966 melodrama Late Autumn (2010), technical innovation in the VFX-heavy Mr. Go (2013), and the making of mega-distributor CJ E&M’s romance drama A Wedding Invitation (2013) to illustrate how Korean firms and practitioners are expanding the commercial entertainment boundaries of Chinese cinema. In so doing, it also reveals how Chinese film companies are enabling the Korean film industry to internationalize its approach to overseas markets beyond the kind of conspicuous policy initiatives tailored for a globalized cultural economy. 相似文献
19.
William Choong 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2019,73(5):415-430
ABSTRACTEleven years after it was abandoned, the so-called Indo-Pacific concept is back with a vengeance in regional security debates. At the 2017 Shangri-la Dialogue, there were only five mentions of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ at the annual defence ministerial forum. In the following year, the figure had jumped to 92. The Indo-Pacific Four countries promoting the ‘free and open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) concept share many principles, including freedom of navigation and overflight, connectivity and economic growth, and respect for the rule of law. There are, however, clear points of divergence between them, such that there are actually different Indo-Pacific strategies among the Indo-Pacific Four. Even if the Indo-Pacific Four manage to resolve these issues (and the possibility of this is low), it is not likely that ASEAN would endorse the FOIP concept. The reality remains that Indonesia and ASEAN have taken a different approach to the Indo-Pacific. The ASEAN approach is to appropriate elements of FOIP strategy which are more attractive to ASEAN (for example, connectivity and infrastructure), yet reject elements of FOIP strategy which ASEAN deems inappropriate (the exclusion of China and the loss of ASEAN centrality). This does not augur well for the adoption, in its entirety, of the FOIP concept by ASEAN. 相似文献
20.
通过对中世纪欧洲国际秩序及其原则的追述,从体系和单位双重视野出发考察现代国际体系的起源,我们发现,随文艺复兴时代意大利国际体系的崩溃,西方国际构造的重心发生了从意大利和地中海西移到北大西洋东岸的转移,全球性政治经济初露端倪;而现代强国的最初浮现与形成,则明显地具有它们作为最初的领土集中的现代民族国家这一根本特征。运用体系和单位双重视野,我们还可以获得如下认识:(1)使得现代国际体系的起源具有重大复杂性甚而曲折性的主要因素,相当集中地寓于与西欧现代强国并立的哈布斯堡"传统型半旧帝国";(2)在这起源时代若干萌发中的新要素,很大程度上规定了现代国际体系未来长期演进的基本方向和主要特征。 相似文献