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不同国力表示国家国力基础及其政治地位。本文鉴于过去仅以基础国力或人均国力划分国力之不足,以综合国力正确揭示不同国家的国力地位,对政治地理学研究国力有重要的理论与实践意义。 相似文献
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软国力是综合国力的组成部分,在当今国际社会的竞争中,软国力的重要性日益突出。中国建设面临的资源压力使得生态文明建设已经势在必行,而生态文明的构建将搭起中国与世界对话的平台,中国丰厚的传统文化资源使构建中国特色的软国力水到渠成。 相似文献
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当今世界形势正在发生重大而深刻的变化。在世界各国综合国力的竞争中,文化国力已是综合国力的重要方面,世界文化发展出现了新的发展趋势,面对世界文化发展的新趋势,必须作出判断和分析,制定应对措施。 相似文献
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正当今世界,科学技术突飞猛进,国力竞争日趋激烈,教育在综合国力的形式中处于基本地位、国力的强弱越来越取决于劳动者的素质,取决于各类人才的质量和数量。二十一世纪教师根据素质教育的要求、教师必须具备良好的师德、较高的素质。一、教师的道德素质在素质教育中,教师的道德素质,首先,献身教育、甘为人梯体现了教师全心全意为人民服务的崇高品德。教育工作工作直接关系到国家的昌盛和民族的振兴。教师献身教育事业, 相似文献
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唐朝时的中国是世界第一大国,富强地立于世界的东方,日本的国力远不及中国,而时代的变迁和历史的推移使得在近代的中国落后于日本,这个变化有历史的原因,更离不开历史串件背后的民族群体心理的影响。本文主要对中国落后的原因进行分析,尤其着重于从文化方面入手分析中国的民族群体心理。其次对日本的快速发展进行探究,究其背后的民族心理因素。总结后对民族发展提出一定的建议。 相似文献
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Matthew Sussex 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2017,71(5):499-515
Russia’s return to prominence in international affairs has been in many respects surprising. Russia’s easy seizure of Crimea, its role in Syria and its ambitious pivot eastward have emboldened Moscow at a time of crisis for the liberal order. This article characterises Russian national security policy as a deliberate ‘rebound’ strategy, designed to deliver a rapid return to power and status. The author defines rebounding in respect to four characteristics: a relatively short timeline for the rebounding state to achieve its goals; a strategic (re-)emphasis on territory and hard power; the construction of alternative networks of influence via institutions; and active efforts to undermine existing normative and legal orthodoxies. The author then assesses these in terms of specific Russian national security policy objectives, including in the key domain of information operations. The article concludes that Vladimir Putin has skilfully employed conventional material capabilities and geopolitics, combined with the exploitation of contemporary information networks for instrumental purposes. Paradoxically, though, those same factors will constrain Russian national security objectives in the future. 相似文献
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ABSTRACT. National identity is a symbolically complex configuration, with shifts of emphasis and reprioritisations of content negotiated in contexts of power. This paper shows how they occur in one post‐conflict situation – Northern Ireland – among some of the most extreme of national actors – evangelical Protestants. In‐depth interviews reveal quite radical shifts in the content of their British identity and in their understanding of and relation to the Irish state, with implications for their future politics. The implications for understanding ethno‐religious nationalism, nationality shifts and the future of Northern Ireland are drawn out. 相似文献
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Michael Hutt 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(2):306-325
Nepal's adoption of a new national anthem in 2007 reflected a decision to establish a new social and political order that was republican, federal and inclusive of the country's many minority communities. It came after a ten‐year internal conflict, and was followed by the abolition of the Shah monarchy that had ruled the country since the late eighteenth century. This article describes the historical and political context of the decision to replace the old anthem, the selection of the new anthem, and the debates that arose in the Nepali media and public sphere after its lyrics and the identity of its author were made known. The discussion refers to arguments made by Karen Cerulo about the relationship between the syntactic structure of national anthems and the stage reached in the process of political modernisation of the nation‐state in question, and provides some comparative perspectives on the Nepali case. 相似文献
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本文以中国、日本、韩国电力体制改革实践为比较对象,从改革的起点、目标的选择、引入竞争的方式、电力监管、电力民营化、改革的成效几个角度进行了分析,力求得到一些对深化中国电力市场化改革有意义的启示。 相似文献
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包爱芹 《华侨华人历史研究》2006,(4):54-59
本文分析南京国民政府为了加强对华侨教育的全面管理和支持而采取的一系列政策与措施。作者认为,南京国民政府重视华侨教育的原因是多方面的,其华侨教育政策有着积极的作用,但也存在一些弊端和问题。 相似文献
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Umberto Tulli 《国际历史评论》2016,38(1):214-228
Despite the growing literature on the history of European integration, scholars have not reached a general consensus on the rationale for the introduction of direct elections to the European Parliament. This review article analyses representative books and articles through three levels of analysis: the evolution of the European Community institutional framework; the role of national governments; and the contribution of European federalist movements. In doing that, the article highlights the lack of a clear synthesis and the need to investigate the role and perception of the European Parliament before its direct elections. Indeed, the controversy over direct elections demonstrates that, far from being a useless talking shop, the European Parliament was a creative institution and a target for both federalists' hopes and national governments' fears. The former considered the introduction of elections as a trigger to democratise and federalise Europe; the latter suspected to lose their power as the only depositaries of national sovereignty. 相似文献
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权力的让渡和主权的坚持:略析欧洲一体化中的“主权让渡” 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
欧洲一体化实行了一定程度的权力让渡和共享,但成员国仍然保持着主权,并主导着一体化。证诸欧洲一体化进程可以看到:一、所有的权力让渡都需要成员国全体一致同意,体现了成员国主权的行使;二、"辅助性原则"限制着权力让渡;三、偏向于"政府间主义"的"机构间平衡",共同体/欧盟的决策/立法权始终掌握在由成员国代表组成的理事会手中;四、种种"灵活性"和"例外",使成员国在权力让渡的问题上保持最大限度的自主性。 相似文献
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论地缘战略的主体间性——兼论中国地缘战略抉择 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
主体间性一词是20世纪西方哲学凸显出来的一个重要概念,对这一问题的研究有助于解决本体论、认识论和伦理学等多方面的问题。简单来说,主体间性就是主体之间的交互作用。主体间性具有物质性、实践性、历史性和社会性,其存在于集体主体之中,可以通过"教化"获得。据此,本文通过对四个经典地缘政治理论,即国家有机体论、海权论、陆权论和边缘地带论的历史分析,挖掘了隐含在其中的主体间性。并以美国对苏联和中国实施的地缘战略围堵为例,通过分析同一地缘战略所导致的截然不同结果,表明了地缘战略的构建、制定和实施都必须遵循主体间性。最后根据主体间性提出中国未来地缘战略抉择。 相似文献
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张碧波 《中国边疆史地研究》2000,(2)
如何确定中华历史疆域的标准是中华史学一个带根本性的问题,不能人为的规定一种标准,把复杂的历史疆域问题简单化。应把问题提到一定的历史范围之内,对具体问题进行具体分析。政治──文化中心有层次之分,一个政权(包括民族地方政权)的政治中心转移,应对其转移的疆域归属作出正确判断。所谓“一支两用”史观正是因错误判断民族归属与历史疆域而产生的错误观点。 相似文献