浅析十七届四中全会对党内民主建设的创新

中共十七届四中全会关于党内民主建设提出了很多新思想、新观点,主要有：党内民主是党的生命,集中统一是党的力量保证;在党内民主建设中要坚持和完善党的领导制度;以保障党员民主权利为根本,以加强党内基层民主建设为基础;完善党代表大会制度和党内选举制度;完善党内民主决策机制等。     

完善党内民主制度，推进政治民主

十七大以来,思想解放与政治民主已经成为媒体舆论和社会上的最热门的话题,党内民主问题也被许多文章提及。这是一个可喜的现象。 胡锦涛同志在十七大的政治报告中指出：“党内民主是增强党的创新活力、巩固党的团结统一的重要保证。要以党内民主带动人民民主,以增进党内和谐促进社会和谐。”     

新形势下关于发展党内民主的思考

党内民主是增强党的创新活力,巩固党的团结的重要保证,新形势下必须积极推行党的民主建设。本文从加强党内民主的必要性出发,并对如何加强党内民主建设做了深刻的思考。     

对党内民主与人民民主的再认识

胡锦涛总书记在党的十七届四中全会上明确指出：＂党内民主是党的生命,集中统一是党的力量保证。＂＂坚持以党内民主带动人民民主,以党的坚强团结保证全国各族人民的大团结。＂党内民主是党的生命,人民民主是社会主义的生命,以党内民主示范带动人民民主是中国特色社会主义民主政治发展的路径和选择。本文试图从概念的提出、二者的关系以及作用的认识三方面进行论述。     

改革开放以来中国共产党党内民主建设的基本经验

"党内民主是党的生命"。改革开放以来,党对党内民主建设的规律进行了艰辛的探索,积累了丰富的经验。主要有:服从党的政治路线是方向;提高执政能力是价值取向;民主集中制是保障;制度建设是关键;有领导有步骤进行是方略等。总结这些经验对加强党内民主建设及提高党的执政能力有重要的现实意义。     

浅析党内民主建设在新时期的重要性

党内民主建设是关系到党的生机与活力的重大问题,是关乎党的生命的紧迫问题。党内民主是党的生命,也是加强和改进党的建设、保持党的先进性的关键环节。党内民主建设在党的建设中和建设社会主义和谐社会中都具有重要意义。     

论改革开放以来党内基层民主建设的基本经验

党内民主是党的生命,党内基层民主是党内民主的基础性工程。科学总结中国共产党改革开放以来推进党内基层民主建设的基本经验,对于党在新的历史时期扩大党内基层民主、增强党内生活的原则性和透明度具有重要的参考价值和借鉴意义。     

论周恩来党内关怀思想与传统文化

周恩来党内关怀思想是周恩来党建学说的重要内容,它是为了挽救党的生命,实现党内民主,更好地促进党的发展、成熟和壮大,增强党的凝聚力和战斗力,强调对党员干部在政治、思想、精神、物质生活、人身安全等各方面进行的无微不至的关怀。它是在中国革命特殊历史条件下,马克思主义同中国民族传统文化精华融合而成的一朵思想奇葩,是对传统文化的继承和超越。爱国主义是周恩来党内关怀思想产生的思想道德基础;仁爱、民主等思想是周恩来党内关怀思想的重要思想来源;＂无我＂、和谐是周恩来党内关怀思想追求的境界。     

论周恩来党内关怀思想与传统文化

周恩来党内关怀思想是周恩来党建学说的重要内容,它是为了挽救党的生命,实现党内民主,更好地促进党的发展、成熟和壮大,增强党的凝聚力和战斗力,强调对党员干部在政治、思想、精神、物质生活、人身安全等各方面进行的无微不至的关怀。它是在中国革命特殊历史条件下,马克思主义同中国民族传统文化精华融合而成的一朵思想奇葩,是对传统文化的继承和超越。爱国主义是周恩来党内关怀思想产生的思想道德基础;仁爱、民主等思想是周恩来党内关怀思想的重要思想来源;"无我"、和谐是周恩来党内关怀思想追求的境界。     

加强党内民主建设健全党内监督机制

现阶段党内监督不力的一个根本原因在于党内民主不足、党内民主制度不健全.因为党内民主是党内监督的基础和前提,只有大力发展党内民主,才能保障党内监督的有效实现.因此,要加强党内民主观教育,提高监督意识;改革和完善党内选举制、党的代表大会制、党内集体领导制和党内监督领导体制等,从而真正建立起一套科学、权威、有效的权力制约机制.     

为共产主义事业奋斗到底的一生--我所了解的晚年陈云(上)

陈云同志的一生是坚贞不渝的共产主义者的一生。他在晚年作为党的第二代中央领导集体的重要成员,为共产主义事业奋斗到底的精神,突出表现在他对改革开放的社会主义方向的把握上,对党的重大原则的坚持上,对党和国家战略的深谋远虑上,对人民群众切身利益的关心上以及对个人的严格要求上。在党的建设方面,他思考最多的,除了搞好党风外,主要是如何端正思想路线、保证党内民主和选拔优秀中青年干部的问题。在经济建设方面,他总是从国家的全局和长远利益出发,关注那些影响我们长期发展的制约因素;并且对计划与市场的关系进行了深入思考,为在微观搞活的同时加强宏观控制提供了理论依据。他时刻挂念人民群众的疾苦,关心群众的切身利益,并力求在制订具体政策中加以体现。他在晚年依然保持谦虚谨慎、顾全大局、艰苦朴素、克己奉公的作风,为我们树立了永葆共产党人政治本色的光辉榜样。     

民主党派与抗日战争时期的民主宪政运动

民主党派在抗日战争时期参与的民主宪政运动极大地推进了抗日战争时期中国政治民主化进程,深刻影响了未来中国政治发展的走向。追求民主政治的强烈意愿是民主党派参与民主宪政运动的根本动因;国民党的独裁专制统治是其参与民主宪政运动的直接原因;国内外要求民主的强烈呼声是其参与民主宪政运动的外在动力;共产党的引领和帮助是其参与民主宪政运动的重要条件。民主党派经过民主宪政运动的历练,日渐成为中国政治舞台上一支不容忽视的力量;民主党派经过民主宪政运动的实践,对民主的理解更为深刻,对国民党蒋介石的本质认识得更加清楚;民主宪政运动是共产党与民主党派合作共事的成功实践,为革命胜利后中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度莫定了基础。     

陈云与马克思主义理论学习

陈云的一生,是倡导学习马克思主义理论的一生。他认为,加强理论学习,是党在思想上的基本建设,是无产阶级政党的历史责任,是体现党的阶级性和先进性的必然要求;对于共产党人树立为共产主义而奋斗的信念具有重要意义;是党领导革命、建设和改革的客观需要;尤其是学习哲学,是掌握科学的思想方法和工作方法、制定党的路线方针和政策、指导具体的革命工作和防止经验主义与教条主义的基础条件。学习马克思主义,要坚持学习理论与指导实践、学习马列主义基本原理与发展马列主义、学习马克思主义与学习其他理论和文化知识的辩证统一。     

Benedicto Kiwanuka and Catholic Democracy in Uganda

In this article, I introduce Benedicto Kiwanuka (1922–72), Uganda’s first prime minister and most prominent modern Catholic politician, and explore how his religious and political sensibilities — especially his vision of democracy — intersected with Catholic thought and historical experience in Buganda and Uganda. Far from turning him into a “Catholic tribalist” looking to empower Catholics vis à vis other religious groups, Kiwanuka’s Catholic identity was a core component of his political commitment to non-sectarian democracy, the common good, and pan-ethnic nation-building. He saw in Catholicism the possibility of envisioning political solidarity during a moment of social rupture, and he and his Democratic Party used Catholic and biblical discourse and theology to help undergird a broader political commitment to liberal democratic nationalism during Uganda’s transition to independence (1958–62). At the same time, Kiwanuka’s prophetic commitment to principle — an uncompromising dogmatism often expressed in religious and theological language — also helped cost him the opportunity to lead Uganda into and beyond independence.     

Buddhism,Democracy and Power in the 1932 Thai Revolution

The People’s Party toppled the Siamese absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy in Thailand in June 1932. Scholars have generally denied that the revolution had any popular resonance, but this article shows that in Buddhism, the country’s premier cultural form, democratic rhetoric in the 1930s resonated among young monks marginalised by the ecclesiastical hierarchy. A group of young monks within the Mahanikai, or Great Order, rebelled against the palace-established Thammayut order that exercised the most power in institutional Buddhism. A “thin” or formal democracy established in 1932 – one displaying the main trappings of a regime of popular sovereignty but purposefully limited in scope by the People’s Party – thus inspired an assertion of a “thick” democracy, or democracy as a much older social value that governed both the Sangha internally and its relations with local communities, which the Mahanikai activists claimed was the core of original Buddhism.

     

‘An Old Carriage with New Horses’: Nietzsche’s Critique of Democracy

Debates about Nietzsche's political thought today revolve around his role in contemporary democratic theory: is he a thinker to be mined for stimulating resources in view of refounding democratic legitimacy on a radicalised, postmodern and agonistic footing, or is he the modern arch-critic of democracy budding democrats must hone their arguments against? Moving away from this dichotomy, this article asks first and foremost what democracy meant for Nietzsche in late nineteenth-century Germany, and on that basis what we might learn from him now. To do so, it will pay particular attention to the political, intellectual and cultural contexts within which Nietzsche's thought evolved, namely Bismarck's relationship to the new German Reichstag, the philological discovery of an original Aryan race, and Nietzsche's encounter with Gobineau's racist thought through his frequentation of the Wagner circle. It argues that Nietzsche's most lasting contribution to democratic thinking is not to be found in the different ways he may or may not be used to buttress certain contemporary ideological positions, but rather how his notions of ‘herd morality’, ‘misarchism’ and the genealogical method still provides us with the conceptual tools to better understand the political world we inhabit.     

新时期中国共产党民主集中制建设的理论与实践

改革开放30年来,以邓小平为核心的中共第二代中央领导集体,针对过去相当长一段时间离开民主讲集中的错误,恢复和坚持党的民主集中制,并提出"民主集中制的中心是民主"等重要理论,具有拨乱反正和创新的重大意义;以江泽民为核心的中共第三代中央领导集体,提出在社会主义市场经济新条件下完善和发展党的民主集中制的重要理论,开辟了党的民主集中制建设的新境界;以胡锦涛为总书记的中共中央以健全民主集中制为重点,加强党的制度建设。把民主集中制建设推向一个新的发展阶段。     

From Populism To Protagonism (and Back?) in Bolivarian Venezuela: Rethinking Ernesto Laclau’s on Populist Reason

Ernesto Laclau’s On Populist Reason, now over a decade old, is one of our generation’s most nuanced contributions to debates on political community and social change in the era of mass democracy. Against critiques of populism as illiberal demagoguery, Laclau’s conceptualization emphasizes the discursive nature of power and politics and considers populist sequences as radical democratic openings in an era of consolidated global neoliberal capitalism. This article considers the shifting terrain of democracy – from liberal, to populist, and finally to protagonistic forms – in the context of Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution. I argue that despite Laclau’s important contributions, the formulations of power that underlie his populist reason are symptomatic rather than critical of contemporary liberal politics. The article offers an analysis of Bolivarian Venezuela that emphasizes popular experimentation with protagonism as an expression of democracy based in grassroots collective autonomy and direct democracy over the representation and managed development of the modern state.     

The civic zeitgeist: nationalism and liberal values in the European radical right

This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values and, more specifically, the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful Swiss People's Party, the Dutch Pim Fortuyn List and Party for Freedom to the more mixed French Front National, British National Party and National Democratic Party of Germany we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism that expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.     

国会解散与进步党的分裂瓦解

1913年11月4日袁世凯以非法命令取消国民党议员资格,致使国会不足法定人数而解散,这是斩断中华民国法统的重大事变.国民党被查禁后,进步党是唯一的重要政党,但熊梁内阁副署命令引发进步党分裂为国会派(议会民主派)和内阁派(开明专制派).以熊希龄、梁启超为首的内阁派基于开明专制思想,希望通过依附北洋派的专制力量推行自己的开明政策;而以国会议员为主体的国会派坚持议会政治理想,不肯通过牺牲国会的尊严来延续国会的存在.维持国会的活动终于失败,进步党也在两派纷争之中逐渐瓦解.进步党的失败标志着民初各派分享权力格局的结束和袁世凯独裁统治的开始.