太平洋会议善后委员会有关裁兵问题史料(上)

太平洋会议(即华盛顿会议)后,北京政府外交部成立太平洋会议善后委员会,下设裁兵股讨论裁兵事宜。裁兵股征集裁兵提案以及意见、条陈,先后召开股会五次、特别会议两次,最后形成《裁兵办法大纲》,提供政府采择施行。《裁兵办法大纲》等部分史料已收录于中国第二历史档案馆编《北洋政府史料》,本组史料与其相互补充,反映了当时各界对裁兵问题的构想与讨论。     

南京国民政府“国军编遣委员会”组织概况

一随着北洋军阀的垮台,国民党新军阀之间因地盘分配不均所引起的矛盾日益尖锐。控制中央政府的蒋介石集团,为达到消灭异己,“一统天下”的目的,匆忙于1928年6月提出了裁兵建议,主张召开编遣会议以整编全国军队。为迎合蒋介石的裁兵计划,宋子文于是月20日在上海主持召开了全国经济会议,提出了一个《克期裁兵从事建设案》,以所谓的全年财政收入不能支付军费开支为理由,主张“重行整定军制,大加裁汰”,“以苏民生”,胁迫各实力派接受裁兵建议。蒋介石更是紧锣密鼓,7月5日他同时致电冯玉祥、阎锡山、李宗仁等,强调“今日非裁兵无以救国”,     

论1929年国民党军编遣会议

1928年夏,以国民党军“底定京津”为标志,国民党新军阀取代了北洋军阀的统治地位。从这时起至三十年代初,蒋介石一方面以“裁兵”相标榜,先后召开了国民党军编遣会议和编遣实施会议;另一方面,又对李宗仁、冯玉祥、阎锡山等其他新军阀进行了一系列战争。编遣会议与新军阀混乱交织进行,成了这一时期重要的历史现象。本文试图对编造会议的历史背景和经过,尤其是对编遣会议在蒋介石初期军事独裁统治的演进中所起的作用和影响,作一些初步探讨。     

论民初裁兵问题及其与资产阶级的关系

民国年间,由于各派军阀混战不已,军事力量急剧膨胀,裁兵因而成为民国史上习见的名词。但是,此种所谓裁兵,或是流于纸面文章,或是一方借以削弱另一方的手段。唯一例外的是民国初年的裁兵,当时中国的政治军事状况,使得这次裁兵不是一般意义的地盘和权利之争,而是反映了资产阶级革命党人和以袁世凯为代表的反动势力之间的矛盾和斗争,它不仅影响到当时政治格局的变化,对其后历史的发展也不无关系。     

阎锡山的党统主张与北平扩大会议

1930年阎锡山提出党统问题的政治主张之后便联合冯玉祥及国民党改组派、西山会议派,在北平召开“中国国民党中央党部扩大会议”,成立“国民政府”,与南京国民党中央党部及中央政府分庭抗礼,曾对当时政局产生过重大影响。本文着重论述阎锡山党统问题与扩大会议的关系,提出一些个人的看法,以求教于史学界同仁。     

张振财、孙万福：陕甘宁边区大生产运动中的模范

抗日战争进入相持阶段,国民党顽固派推行消极抗日、积极反共政策,限制和削弱共产党及其领导的人民抗日力量,并加紧对陕甘宁边区实行军事包围和经济封锁,边区党政军民面临严峻的财政经济困难。1939年2月,毛泽东在延安生产动员大会上针对根据地日益严重的经济困难局面,提出了“自己动手”的口号。1941年,为克服边区严重的经济困难,中共中央再次强调走生产自救的道路,抗日根据地掀起了大规模的生产运动。1942年12月,毛泽东在陕甘宁边区高级干部会议上作《经济问题和财政问题》报告时提出“发展经济,保障供给”,进一步推动了各根据地的大生产运动。     

陕甘宁边区的食盐运销及对边区的影响

抗日战争时期,为了克服经济困难、打破国民党当局对边区的经济封锁,陕甘宁边区政府曾发起了大规模食盐运销活动,这次食盐运销活动基本上是与抗战相始终的,对当时边区的贸易、财政、金融,以及军政机关供给和边区人民生活都产生了巨大的影响,对边区社会经济的发展起到了积极作用,从而有力地保障了抗战大后方——陕甘宁边区的稳定,为全民族抗战做出了很大的贡献。     

国难会议略析

国难会议召开了1932年4月,是九一八、一二八事件之后,国民党中枢的一个反应。 国难会议最初是由1931年11月在南京召开的国民党第四次全国代表大会提出的。当时止值九一八事变之后,全国抗日呼声甚高,一些民主人士开始批评国民党的一党专政和不抵抗政策,要求改组政府,领导抗战。南京国民党第四次全国代表大会通过了《组织国难会议     

旧金山会议中国代表团组成问题

1944年9月,中国共产党正式提出建立联合政府的主张。作为这个问题的延伸,中共随之提出与国民党联合组团参加旧金山会议。从当时与后来的实际意义看,此事都不具有显赫的历史效果,但是为当时中国政治的背景,留下了一个印记。 针对联合政府主张,1945年1月,蒋介石提出一项反建议,即在行政院内设立一种“战时内阁”,容纳中共和他党参加,但周恩来表示,中共不愿参加国民党统治下的战时内阁。正当谈判往复折冲之际,雅尔塔会议于2月12日发表公报,决定同年4月25日,由美、苏、英、中、法5国共同召集旧金山会议,制订联合国宪章。至此,罗斯福苦心酝酿的中国的大国地位基本确立。受此项决定的鼓舞,蒋氏对中共的态度骤变。2月13日,蒋氏“声色俱厉”地对周恩来说:中共不能推翻国民     

转折年代——中国的1947年

前言 看到<转折年代--中国的1947年>这个书名,读者可能会提出一个问题:拿20世纪40年代后半期的中国来说,几乎每年都有重大事情发生,例如1945年抗日战争胜利,1946年全面内战爆发,1948年国民党统治区财政经济的全面崩溃、人民解放军发动三大战略决战,1949年中华人民共和国成立,这些都是对近代中国的历史产生巨大影响的事件,为什么偏偏要挑出1947年这一年来写呢?     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.