THE ORIENTATION OF ROMAN CAMPS AND FORTS

Summary.   The angles of orientation of 67 Roman camps were determined from their published plans. There was a marked tendency for them to be aligned close to the cardinal points but they were offset from those points by only 28 of a possible 45 angles and of these six occurred in 29 camps, probably because they were set out by making right-angled triangles whose non-hypotenuse sides were in whole number ratios. Twenty-seven forts on the British frontier walls were similarly orientated by only 12 angles, one of which occurred six times. The apparent accuracy of the layouts suggested that the directions of the meridian and latitude were first carefully determined. The use of a limited number of offset angles was probably due to a religious regard for celestial geometry.     

REIMAGINING ROMAN PORTS AND HARBOURS: THE PORT OF ROMAN LONDON AND WATERFRONT ARCHAEOLOGY

This paper explores some theoretically informed ways in which to use the rich evidence relating to ports, harbours and other waterfront installations in archaeology. It argues that studies of waterfront structures within the specialisms of nautical/maritime and wetland archaeology are extremely important in their own right, but they could also be used to explore broader issues connected with their use and context. These include the cultural and religious significance of water and its dangers, the symbolic significance of landscape change, the relationship between people and their environment and the negotiation of the land/water interface. Examining the evidence of the port of Roman London as a case study, this paper explores the archaeology in its local setting and addresses a number of subjects relating to both its temporal and spatial position. It focuses on the religious significance of water and the implications of altering waterscapes through artificial construction.     

THE BIRDS OF ROMAN BRITAIN

Summary. Wild birds were probably of little importance for food in Roman Britain, but there is some advantage, for ecology, conservation, archaeological reconstruction and education, in establishing a tolerably correct list of species present in Roman times. There are special problems for the recovery and identification of bird bones; on the other hand, historical and other sources are wanting for Roman Britain. There is no evidence for falconry in the Roman period; birds would be caught, for sport by lime-rods, and for food by a variety of methods. There is little definite evidence for religious use of wild birds in Roman Britain. The environment of Britain in the Roman period was, in many respects, quite similar to that of recent times, but the bird species recorded from Roman sites suggest that the landscape was rather varied, and favourable to wildlife. An up-to-date list of 94 wild species can be roughly quantified by the number of sites on which each has been found; both the more numerous species and the absentees offer some surprises, and the effect is to emphasize the Romanization of eating habits in the province.     

THE USE OF ROMAN COINAGE

Summary. There is little doubt that Roman coins found today in excavations were lost during the Roman period because they were in use. If these coin-finds are examined in the appropriate way it should be possible to detect something of the patterns of coin-use and coin-loss in the ancient world and hence to learn something of the monetary side of trade and the economy. Finds from different sites are compared in an effort to establish basic rules of interpretation, or, failing that, of presentation of the evidence.     

OPPIDA AND THE ROMAN ARMY. A REVIEW OF RECENT EVIDENCE

Until recently it has been commonly assumed that the Roman army made relatively little use of pre-exising fortifications such as hillforts and oppida. The accumulation of evidence over the past twent years suggests that this view is to be modified. The informastion now available from Gaul, Germany and especially from southern Britain indicates that military use of prehistoric strongholds was widespread and probably far from rare, notably in he early phases of occupation. Such use might reflect political control in the case of large oppida like the Titelberg, Camulodunum and perhaps Maiden Castle, or the securing of supplies, or possibly on occasion the use of native levies.     

FORM AND FUNCTION: THE EXPERIMENTAL USE OF ROMAN SAMIAN WARE CUPS

Summary.   Wear-patterns inside Roman samian ware vessels provide a clue as to how the pots were used. The wear repeatedly seen in the cups, Dragendorff 27 and Dragendorff 33, is particularly distinctive. This paper reports the results of using reproduction cups to replicate the patterns in order to discover how these may have been formed. The results suggest that Dragendorff 27 was used in the kitchen as a mortar, while Dragendorff 33 was a wine-drinking vessel. Evidence from historical sources and graffiti supports this view, and suggests that the inhabitants of Roman Britain were conversant with Roman ways of cooking and dining.     

FOOD AND DRINK FOR THE KING, QUEEN, OFFICIALS AND ANCESTORS IN THE HOUSE OF THE LADY IN GIRSU

In JAC 16 I have discussed the development of the House of the lady in Girsu from the rule of Enentarzi to Lugalanda according to the ration lists of the House, and concluded that Urukagina was the legal successor of Lugalanda and there might not be the so-called ＂reforms of Urukagina＂ in Lagash and Girsu. That was the first part of my studies on the administrative texts from Girsu. In JAC 19 I have investigated, according to the donkey fodder rations which are recorded in the first part of the List of Monthly Barley-Wheat Distributions and Allowances （ξe-gar ziz-gar sa-dug4 itid-da）, the sorts, number and fodders of the donkeys from the rule of Enentarzi to the last years of Urukagina and found that from Urukagina Year 5, ii （2nd month）, the daily fodders and the number of various donkeys were greatly reduced.     

ON THE WHITE AND COLOURED MARBLES OF THE ROMAN TOWN OF CUICUL (DJEMILA,ALGERIA)

This paper reports the results of an archaeometric study of the local and imported marbles found in the Roman town of Cuicul (now Djemila, Algeria), a research project funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the European Union. Of the few imported coloured lithotypes that have been found, four are of Greek origin and one was imported from Asia Minor. In addition, two other classical Roman coloured stones found on the site are probably of local North African origin (most likely one from Numidia and one from Algeria). With regard to the grey and white marbles employed in the statuary and architecture, petrographic study in thin section and the δ¹³C and δ¹⁸O isotopic data emphasize the frequent use of the local fine‐grained lithotype from Filfila (Skikda) together with imported Greek lithotypes (i.e., Pentelic marble, the dolomitic variety of Thasian marble, and Parian marble from Lakkoi) as well as different varieties of the so‐called ‘greco scritto’, whose provenance in some cases still remains uncertain. In fact, the petrographic and geochemical features of the marbles do not always match those known for the classical ‘greco scritto’ from the quarry of Cap de Garde, near Annaba (Algeria).