Sententiousness and Nationalist Discourse: The Case of Alfredo Rocco

Abstract. This article considers the normative and hypostatising functions of nationalist discourse, and the necessity of rhetoric to nations and nationalism. It does so on the basis of a case study of sententiousness in the thought of Alfredo Rocco. Rocco was one of the most important Nationalist and Fascist intellectuals and the legislative architect of the Fascist state. His political thought is analysed by taking as a starting point a quirk of the historiography on Rocco, which insistently attributes a dangerous ‘rigour’ to his texts, and in particular to the punchy, sententious quality of his style. A close reading of Rocco's nationalism, using Flaubert to understand the rhetoric of sententiousness, reveals a systematic pattern of contradictions between normative and hypostatised definitions of the nation. Aspects of these findings, it is argued, can potentially be extended to embrace all forms of nationalism.     

Explaining Nationalist Violence

Abstract. Nationalism often involves risky and violent action. This has led many scholars to believe that its roots must be irrational. This attribution is ambiguous, however, because it fails to distinguish between two quite different meanings of the term ‘irrational’. In principle, nationalism can emanate either from social or from individual irrationality. Only the latter kind of irrationality is theoretically provocative, however. The hallmark of rational individual action lies in its instrumentality. Whereas many aspects of nationalism have been analysed successfully using instrumental behavioral assumptions, nationalist violence has been a significant exception. This article offers a framework for the explanation of nationalist violence in instrumental terms. It concludes by suggesting that the temptation to view nationalism as an outcome of individual irrationality should be resisted.     

Regulating Body Boundaries and Health during the Second World War: Nationalist Discourse,Media Representations and the Experiences of Canadian Women War Workers

This article examines the intersections of gender, wartime nationalist rhetoric and the production of ‘healthy’ and ‘unhealthy’ bodies in both the Canadian workplace and the home during the Second World War. Analysing government, industry and media discourses in relation to oral history interviews with thirty‐eight women aircraft workers, we discuss women's distinctive role in shaping the health and morale of the social body during wartime, to ensure the maintenance of family, nation and the Allied war effort. While health in wartime was defined in terms of worker productivity for both men and women, anxiety about women's expanded roles heightened the emphasis on moral respectability as a marker of the ‘healthy’ female body. This was further complicated by the wartime emphasis on women's responsibilities to boost morale as part of their role in maintaining health and productivity for both men and women. Through such examples as workplace regulations and domestic advice, we examine the increased monitoring of women's individual and collective bodies and the intensified demands on female war workers as they crossed between the public and private spheres. We use our oral histories to examine women's embodied memories of ‘healthy’ and ‘unhealthy’ bodies within a regional context and their responses to government, industry and media discourses.     

柳诒徵的民族主义史学思想

作为民族主义史学的重镇之一 ,柳诒徵一向主张史学要为培育民族精神服务 ,三十年代他明确批评古史辨派的疑古为破坏古史 ,大力发掘优秀的历史文化传统 ,特别注重探寻汉唐盛世中国所以强大的因由 ,从而培养国民的自尊心和自信心。柳诒徵在抗战时期的著述以及为光大民族精神的一系列文化活动 ,既是其经世致用学术思想发展的逻辑结果 ,更是在民族危机下中国知识分子作出的自然反应。他有关民族精神的论断 ,可为我们新世纪文化重建工作提供宝贵的借鉴。     

试论孙中山民族主义思想的社会作用

在孙中山“三民主义”学说中,民族主义是产生最早、宣传最多、影响最大的思想。在辛亥革命前,孙中山民族主义的主要内容是“驱除鞑虏,恢复中华”,即推翻满清封建专制统治。辛亥革命后,孙中山强调“五族共和”、“五族一家”,……     

中央银行与国民政府货币现代化改革

从现代化国家发展历史看,货币现代化有两大明确标志,其一是币制统一,其二是发行集中。中国自鸦片战争后开始步入现代化改革之旅,货币现代化是其中一项重要内容。但令人遗憾的是,直到1927年南京国民政府建立时,中国币制仍呈纷杂混乱状态,发行集中更是无从谈起,     

国民政府对九世班禅后事的处理

七七事变发生后,英国出于染指西藏的野心,又利用中国在抗战时期有求于它的条件,对班禅回藏横加干涉,并唆使噶厦从中作梗,致使班禅回藏功亏一篑。忧愤交加的九世班禅于1937年12月1日在青海玉树圆寂。     

试论南京国民政府统一新疆的斗争

1928年底,南京国民政府虽然建立了一个全国性的政权,但实际上并没有真正统一全国.特别是僻处边塞的新疆,并不在国民政府的实际控制范围内.随着西北特别是新疆在全国的地位日趋突出,国民政府加紧了与新疆实际统治者对新疆控制权的争夺.从建省党部之争到两派宣慰使入新,最后国民政府终于如愿统一了新疆,但是随着解放战争形势的发展,它在新疆的统治并没有维持多久.     

南京国民政府1936年内债整理案述评

1936年内债整理案对江浙资产阶级的经济利益无疑是继1932年内债整理后的又一次掠夺,对南京国民政府的债信又是一次严重的破坏。特别是统一公债发行前夕公债风潮的出现。不仅使国民政府的债信大打折扣,而且将国民政府政治腐败的恶劣昭示于众。但考诸当时的财政经济状况,整理债务可以说是国民政府于无可如何之中找到的一条减轻财政压力的较好途径。内债整理案的实施暂时减轻了政府的财政负担,并使债务结构趋向合理化;它还是国民政府准备抗战,实行统制经济政策的步骤之一;整理案也彻底打破了私营银行业对政府财政的幻想,开始走上疏远政府财政,加强同工商业结合,从而较好发挥银行经济职能的道路。另外,此次整理案是在政府实现了金融垄断,江浙资产阶级已开始沦为政府附庸的情况下实施的,这也是此次整理案与1932年内债整理案的最大不同之处。     

南京国民政府迁都洛阳述评

1932年,南京国民政府曾一度迁都洛阳,并定洛阳为“行都”。因国民政府在洛仅10个月时间,故这一段史实渐为人们所淡忘,为史家所忽视。然而,作为民国时期的一件大事．我们有必要对其背景、经过和影响细加探究。     

国民革命后期国民党党员志愿兵考论

党员志愿兵是国民党组建党人武装的阶段表现形式.国民党中央对党员志愿兵训练、干部委任的"中共控制"现象颇为警惕,担心中共以征募党员志愿兵的名义组织红军,这是党员志愿兵停止招募的主要原因.武装党人与武力党化的错位循环表明国民党始终没能找到驾驭武力而不为其反噬的有效办法.政党对军队的管辖、裁制主要通过军队中政党组织的制度化建立及对军人党员有较强约束力的常态化支部生活来实现,不取决于军人党员数量.     

孟加拉人民联盟的民族主义运动及其作用

谢赫·穆吉布·拉赫曼领导的人民联盟建立后,提出了争取孟加拉自治的主张,在后来的语言运动、六点纲领、议会大选与政府组建中开展了一系列争取孟加拉自治的运动,并把争取孟加拉自治的运动发展成为了争取建立孟加拉国的民族运动,最终通过武装斗争建立了独立的、主权的孟加拉国共和国.在孟加拉国的建立过程中,人民联盟的民族主义运动起到了启蒙、领导和实施者的作用.     

非洲民族主义史学流派及其贡献

非洲民族主义史学既是民族独立运动的产物,也是一种历史现象。民族独立运动将非洲历史的重构提到了日程,国际学术界开始承认非洲历史学科的存在。《剑桥非洲史》和联合国教科文组织《非洲通史》的编写及有关非洲历史的杂志和研究中心的出现对非洲民族主义史学的兴起起到了重要作用。伊巴丹学派、达累斯萨拉姆学派和达喀尔学派等非洲民族主义史学流派在非洲史观的确立、方法论的突破和史学人才的培养方面做出了贡献,但这些学派也有一定的缺陷。非洲民族主义史学的兴起在树立非洲人民的自信和非洲国家建构等方面起到了重要作用。     

南京国民政府公务员考试制度的若干问题

对于南京国民政府的公务员考试制度,时人存在种种不同的评说。涉及的问题主要包括：考试名目应为官考试还是公务员考试;考试性质是资格考试还是任用考试;考试原则是考试党化还是人才主义;应否对公职候选人进行考试;考试录取是凭录取还是分区定额;考试方法是论考试还是新式测验。由于种种原因,这些问题始终未得到妥善处理,致使该制度在实际运作中存在许多缺憾。