一战后民族自决原则的公认与效应

民族自决原则在第一次世界大战前后得到了充分的发展和运用,具体表现为： 一战前后列宁和威尔逊的民族自决思想的相继成熟; 当时世界主要大国对民族自决原则的承认; 苏俄民族自决原则的实践及东欧国家的参与和认同;一战后依照民族自决原则对欧洲版图的重新划分及在非欧洲世界产生的广泛反响.这表明民族自决原则在一战后已被公认为一项基本的国际政治原则.得到公认的民族自决原则影响并改变了20世纪的世界版图,并于1945年被写入了《联合国宪章》,从而最终完成了从一项政治原则向国际法原则的转变.但过分夸大民族自决,又会导致种族歧视乃至仇杀.     

中国民族思想的概念及发展脉络

民族思想是各个时期各个民族的各类人物对中国民族及民族问题的认识,是处理民族问题、制定民族政策的理论基础;它既有政治家、思想家、军事家、史学家及普通民众对历史上民族及民族关系的反思,也有对当时民族和民族问题的理性思考和客观认识,以及对民族及民族问题未来发展趋势的预见。作为中国民族思想还应当研究马克思主义民族思想的中国化问题。中国民族思想大致可以划分为以华夷之辨为主线的古代传统的民族思想、以反清反帝为脉络的近代民族思想和以平等、团结、互助、民族区域自治为核心内容的现代民族思想三个大的历史发展阶段。因“民族思想”具有丰富的内涵、研究对象及比较丰硕的研究成果,所以这一概念更适合于我们对民族及民族问题的认识和探讨,“民族思想”应当成为一门独立学科。     

絜矩:一个已消亡的文化概念

“絜矩之道”是《礼记·大学》篇所提出的一个思想文化概念,后经朱熹的重新阐发,在宋元明清时代有重要影响。其基本含义有君子应重视对人民大众行为的师范表率作用、恕道、均平思想等。但是,这个文化概念在近代以后则湮灭不彰。其根本原因,在于它的基本思想内涵被消解在已有的更成熟的也更为深刻的文化概念中,它实际上是中国古代“均平”思想的另一种解说,而缺乏一个文化概念所应具有的独立性品格。思想的历史证明,思想概念的生命力,永远属于那些新生的富有活力的东西。     

Presidential Coequality: The Evolution of a Concept

The assertion that the presidency is coequal in power to the other branches in the American system of government is often heard, has been suggested by all recent presidents, and has even made its way into political science. But tracing the history of the concept demonstrates that this assertion is an invention of quite recent vintage. Those who wrote and favored the Constitution did not make such claims, nor did early presidents. Even Andrew Jackson's famous and, to his generation, shocking assertion of coequality coincident with his censure was not really a claim of equal power between branches. According to our systematic analysis of presidential rhetoric it was Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford who initiated and popularized the idea of interbranch coequality. They did so to defend themselves in two episodes of substantial presidential vulnerability: Watergate and the ensuing midterm elections. Subsequent presidents have elevated something that would have seemed wrong and absurd to any founder into a blithe truism. This belief harms governance by creating both artificially high expectations for the president and a presumption of institutional stasis. The “second constitution” based on popular beliefs about interbranch relations continues to evolve, as much a product of happenstance as of rational design.     

日本古代国家疫病祭祀中的鬼神观念

镇花祭、道飨祭和疫神祭是日本古代国家神祇祭祀体系中的与疫病有关的祭祀。本文主要是分析这三个祭祀中蕴含的与疫病有关的鬼神观念。镇花祭体现了日本传统的"神作祟"观念,道飨祭是一个混合了中日两种文化因素的祭祀,一方面其思想依据是鬼魅、特别是中国的疫鬼观念;另一方面,道飨祭对于鬼魅的态度并非中国式的暴力威胁,而依然采取日本原有对待神的恭敬态度。疫神祭中的"疫神"则是把中国的疫鬼改造为日本式的"神",纳入日本原有的神祇信仰的话语体系。文章的创新之处在于从疫病祭祀的角度对三个祭祀进行整体把握,发现道飨祭和疫神祭的鬼神观念均来源于中国的"疫鬼",以及日本原有的"神"观念对中国的"疫鬼"观念的改造,从而形成国家的神道祭祀中本国文化与外来文化融合共存的状态。     

Policy Dilemmas of Post-Soviet Countries

I wonder what the West would think of us if Russia were to urge it to undertake reforms that would cost it half its gross domestic product, lake 10 years off its average life expectancy, and reduce its standard of living by two-thirds while throwing millions of people out of work, causing social anarchy, and displacing millions of specialists from positions in their fields to the very lowest rungs of society…. ¹     

Cartographies of the Colonial/Capitalist State: A Geopolitics of Indigenous Self-Determination in Australia

'Indigenous self-determination' is a multivalent term that has come to represent various meanings in different political and cultural contexts. Indigenous peoples' strategies for self-determination have become increasingly prominent in the domestic polities of many 'first-world' nations, and in the sphere of international law and human rights. These strategies have challenged the cartography of the nation-state with competing claims to land ownership, sovereignty, and self-governance. In Australia, indigenous strategies for self-determination are diverse and holistic and revolve around issues including land rights, law, environmental management, and control over service provision. These are evident in a variety of both 'elite' and 'popular' geopolitical texts. Meanwhile, Australian governments have created new structures that have attempted to encapsulate meanings of 'self-determination,' allowing some indigenous decision-making control, whilst entrenching the nation-state's ultimate hegemony over land. The geopolitics of indigenous strategies for self-determination, and tensions concerning the meaning of the term, are examined, revealing some ways in which discursive trends and material structures interact in locally produced relations of power.     

全球史视野与国家史观念:近代边疆史研究的两个维度

近代边疆研究日益引起学术界广泛关注,既是学术研究内在学理自然发展之结果,也与当代社会各界关注边疆问题的历史性反思有着密切关联。对近代边疆史的研究,既不能割裂其与古代边疆史的延续性,也不能拘泥于断代史的话语诠释;既不能忽略边疆问题的殊相,也不要陷入地方史的思维;既要有纵向的深入思考,也要有横向的宽广视野。须从整体思维出发,在全球史视野下审视近代中国边疆问题与全球化进程中国际秩序重构的复杂关系,以国家史观念从全局上把握近代边疆问题与中国国家建设之间密切不可分割的互动关系。     

White Parliament,Black Politics: The Dilemmas of Indigenous Parliamentary Representation

Australia's parliaments remain fundamentally white institutions. Since Federation, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have been poorly represented – or not represented at all – in the nation's State, Territory and Commonwealth legislatures. Today there remains an ambivalent assessment of the capacity for parliamentary representation to actually deliver meaningful change for Indigenous peoples. This article examines the complexities involved in Indigenous parliamentary representation, drawing on original interviews with current and past parliamentarians to examine tensions between party identification and indigeneity; between electoral and group-based representation; and between notions of a politics of presence versus the effective representation of a diversity of Indigenous interests. The paper concludes that while parliamentary representation is important in a symbolic sense, without structural transformation it will never be an adequate vehicle for representing Indigenous needs and concerns in the postcolonial state.     

The Difficulties of Gender in France: Reflections on a Concept

This article examines the cultural and institutional resistance to the use of gender as a category in French historiography. In France, history, and, more specifically, women's history, has not really assimilated the openings offered by the problematics of the construction of differences, nor the logical consequences of the use of gender. Cultural differences are partly responsible for this, and the polysemic nature of the word genre may add to the confusion. With a few exceptions, women's history in France is reluctant to engage in a historical analysis which would take into account the founding role of hierarchy and of relations of power and difference which are central to gender.